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February 14th, 2008
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Kosovo: Towards Independence?
· 23:53
As the talk of an imminent declaration of independence by Kosovo next Sunday or Monday intensifies, and as leaders in Serbia and Russia make statements rejecting it in advance, bloggers in the Balkans have been busy discussing the issue since December. Here are a few of their views.
Shannon, an American working for the UN in Pristina, on Feb. 10 described what is expected to happen next regarding Kosovo's independence:
It seems that the clock is ticking on Kosovo's independence. It is expected that Kosovo's parliament will sign a declaration of intent to declare independence on 17 February. The actual declaration is due to take place in early March. The timing of the decision is interesting as it looks to be set to take place right before the meeting of the EU and on Sunday which would give more than 100 countries a chance to recognize Kosovo's independence before the UN in NY woke up and Russia could call an emergency session of the Security Council to block the move. There are fears that jovial mobs of Albanians celebrating may attack fleeing, angry, and scared Serb communities who are expected to make a mass exodus from Kosovo following independence despite Kosovo PM's assurances and pretty speeches about how Kosovo Serbs should stay.
And, in her last post on Feb. 14, she added:
Lately the news makes my head spin in regards to Kosovo's independence declaration. There are so many conflicting reports about what will actually take place this Sunday. Will it be an intent to declare or an actual declaration…at this point, I really can't tell and anyone who reads the news as I do is probably just as confused about what is going on. The UN has issued a warning to staff to be vigilant and to not take part in any celebrations in their official capacity and Serbia's PM has asked Kosovo Serbs to stay put and reaffirmed that Belgrade will never recognize the declaration. Meanwhile, some Serbs in the north are ready for a fight should Kosovo try to rein in north of the Ibar river.
Photo of Prizren from Wikipedia licensed as public domain.
At the end of January, as Slovenia was entering its second month of EU presidency, a memo of consultations between the U.S. State Department and Slovenia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs was leaked to the media. In the memo, Americans outlined their foreign policy priorities (including support for Kosovo's independence). This sparked a heated debate in Slovenia. Slovenian blogger Sleeping with Pengovsky has recently expressed his opinion on what his country's position should be:
As odd as it may seem, Slovenia and Kosovo share a common link in recent history (apart for the fact that they’ve both been a part of Yugoslavia).
[…] Milošević started the breakup of Yugoslavia in Kosovo and it is only right and fitting that the process come full circle and ends where it started twenty-one years ago. Slovenia declared independence only four years after that fateful phrase and the memory of every political power in the world (including the EU and the US) trying to block our way to independence one way or another is still very much alive.
Not so much out of solidarity or heeding to a US dictate, but out of the fact that Kosovo has similar legal grounds for independence and that Serbia lost it by waging war against its people (just as it did in Slovenia), I think that Slovenia must recognize Kosovo as soon as it declares independence. I think it is only fair that Slovenia uses the same arguments when deciding on this as it did when arguing its own case for independence seventeen years ago.
Dr. Filomena, another Slovenian blogger, disagrees with that view. For her, Slovenia shouldn't be the first to recognize Kosovo's independence, “if for no other reason, then for the sake of our investments in Serbia.” She also discusses whether Serbia should be entitled to have a say in the matter and be compensated for Kosovo's loss:
I hope that whether or not Serbia is entitled to a say in the issue of Kosovo’s independence in the eyes of the EU or the US that keeps one of its largest military bases in the world in Kosovo, a region that is positioned strategically and holds an enviable reserves of lignite, which are estimated at around 12 billion tonnes (source), other natural resources and fertile land with cheap labour to boot, I do hope that they offer Serbia what its people will consider fair compensation for lost territories and resources. Considering what’s at stake, it shouldn’t be so hard to offer the country something more tangible than the EU freer trade, visa liberalisation and educational exchanges […]
Although for most external observers and international media the independence of Kosovo is inevitable, for Serbian bloggers that outcome is still debatable and a painful issue, as expressed by Serbian-Croatian blogger Boris Matijas [es] in a little metaphor of EU negotiations with Serbia on the Kosovo issue:
-Can I cut your arm?
-No
-Can I cut your arm? Please
-No!
-Come on, let me cut your arm, please.
-No, stop being a pain!
-Ok, fine. No need to get so worked up.
Some years later…
-Let me cut your arm.
-No!
-Ok. Listen. This is my last offer: let me cut your arm and I'll let you be my friend.
Aleksandar Vuksanović at Semanario Serbio, a collective Serbian blog in Spanish, recently wrote a post giving his reasons against Kosovo's independence:
The independence of Kosovo is the maximalist solution that satisfies the demands of the Albanians, completely ignoring those of the Serbs or other ethnic groups in Kosovo. In theory, there's a broad range of possible solutions for Kosovo that could satisfy both sides because we can find similar situations in the world. I'm referring to some solutions like Hong Kong (one country - two systems), South Tirol, Faroe Islands or some type of autonomy such as Mount Athos in Greece. We have to grant to the Albanians all the instruments for them not to feel threatened but this shouldn't allow them, as it has been the case until now, to threaten and harass other ethnic groups in the province.
[…] The independence of Kosovo would be a prize to the terrorism that the Albanians in Kosovo used to reach the current situation. It is difficult to imagine other European groups in a similar situation not resorting (or accentuating) the use of the same terrorist methods to achieve their separatist dream.
Basque professor Asier Blas from Cartas del este, another blog in Spanish focusing on Eastern Europe, doesn't agree with the argument often used by Serbian politicians to oppose Kosovo's independence on the ground of protecting the Serbian minority in the province, because for him the leaders in Belgrade are not really interested in protecting the interests of that minority:
[…] for Belgrade, the future of the Serbian minority in the province is a secondary issue, and it is only partly interested in it because it serves as a pretext to oppose the pro-independence project.
[…] Politicians in Belgrade are not feeling empathy for the situation that the Serbs in Kosovo are living, they are only concerned about their patriotic pride wounded by the upcoming amputation of a part of their current territory […]
If Serbia were acting at the service of Serbian Kosovars, it should commit itself to a multicultural state in Kosovo. In this way, the rights of the minorities would be more protected and guaranteed, and also all those symbols of the Serbian nation that are now attacked. In that sense, Serbs have given priority to keeping Kosovo within their national boundaries and have never considered seriously negotiating a project for an independent Kosovo that would guarantee an optimal and safe situation for Serbian Kosovars.
Francisco Veiga [es] believes that regardless of whether Kosovo declares its independence next Sunday or not, the issue will sure spark passionate reactions all over Europe “with he same football frenzy shown previously towards conflicts in the Turkey-Balkan region”. For him, discussing Kosovo's separation from Serbia is discussing much more than just that:
It is a characteristic of discussions on these cases to be associated with issues that are totally unconnected to the apparently central one. As a result, real matters that are simply in the waiting list for the immediate future remain in the shade: the impressive rapprochement between Ankara and Athens, the possible debate about EU integration of the republics in the Caucasus, the threat that Kosovo's independence represents for the integrity of Macedonia or the possible chain outbreak of double standards.
We can find an example of the implications of Kosovo's independence for other frozen conflicts in Georgia, as described in Steady State's post What is Kosovo for Georgia?:
It is interesting that Kosovo was poised to get independence since 1999, but, until recent couple of years, Russia hasn’t been drawing parallels with Abkhazia or South Ossetia. Could it be due to Saakashvili’s efforts to join the NATO and his usually bitter rhetoric towards Russia that prompted Putin to argue for Abkhazia’s and South Ossetia’s independence?
In fact, for Russia Abkhazia and South Ossetia are more beneficial as they are right now — unrecognized breakaway states. If for instance they do get independence, then similarly Chechens, Ingush and other “peoples” living in Russian part of the Caucasus, could argue for “Abkhazia’s precedent” — although improbable, but conceptually very possible thing to happen.
To finish this roundup with a touch of humor, Bosnia Blog collected a typical Balkan joke with Serbian protagonists, Belgrade blogger Anegdote recently published a poster that was part of a campaign by Serbia to promote Kosovo being in Serbia, which depicted George Washington and had a quote saying, “It is time to show whether we are freemen or slaves! Kosovo is Serbia,” adding underneath a few very funny mock-up posters showing characters such as Homer Simpson claiming that “Kosovo & Mammoothohia is Serburbian forever!” or Baldrick telling the Black Adder “How about we give them a duck instead?”
And for those who still aren't sure about where Kosovo is and what's there to see, Independence and Kanun reports that Bradt has just released the first ever Kosovo guidebook!
12 comments · »»Iran: Protests over ban of women's magazine
· 23:44
Zanan Magazine [Fa] (means “women's magazine”) was banned by the Iranian government two weeks ago, after 16 years in print. Iranian authorities have canceled the license sof many journals and magazines in recent years, but Zanan's closure has stirred strong international and national protests.
More than 120 academics and human rights activists such as Noam Chomsky, Jürgen Habermas, Betty Willams, and Shirin Ebadi have signed a letter and addressed it to Iranian leaders protesting the ban.
More than 1000 Iranian journalists, intellectuals, and cultural personalities within Iran and abroad, wrote a similar letter and praised the role of Zanan in Iran. Human Rights First launched a protest campaign too.
One thing we can learn form this story is despite 27 years of censorship, people are still not complacent. Some bloggers have covered this issue with passion and almost real-time updates.
According to a New York Times report from Iran, authorities said the magazine was a “threat to the psychological security of the society” because it showed Iranian women in a “black light.”
RazeNo [Fa] (Syamak Ghasemi) has covered this story form the beginning and not only shares his idea but provided his readers with links to other magazines and blogs that talk about the end of Zanan.
The blogger says:
This magazine after 16 years history and publishing more than 150 issues was shutdown as simple as this. I wish courage for Shahla Sherkat, the editor of Zanan, to continue her struggle against ignorance and oppression.
The blogger also has published a cover photo (you can see above) of one of the issues of Zanan that may be the reason for the closure of the magazine. On the cover is written, “They get killed in order to kill”. This is an article about Iranian female martyrdom seekers.
Razeno adds [Fa] that Zanan has covered and analysed different aspect of womens’ role and status in Iranian society and was popular among both men and women.
Futurama writes [Fa] that Zanan has not received any financial support from government in all these years and that the magazine is truly one of women’s achievement. “It seems what happened to this magazine is the destiny of all independent magazines and journals in country. But the question is where is the end of such actions?”
Asieh Amini has chosen[Fa] “Execution of Word” as the title of her post.
She says with irony:
Zanan just reflected women’s voices in the magazine, and they are women who threated the so called psychological security of society.
She has also published some photos of the final ceremony to honour the magazine's 16 years of history.
Shirin Ahmadinya writes [Fa] in two words, that she is not surprised, and continues, “We become more sorry each day.”
Kafe Naseri says [Fa] “Zanan called itself the first feminist magazine in Iran when the word feminism for many equals an insult.”
3 comments · »»Blogging for a freer Afghanistan
· 22:48
Nasim Fekrat in Kabul has been a very active blogger for years. He has an English blog, a Dari/Farsi one, and a photo blog. He has also contributed to several citizen media projects such as Afghan Press and Afghan Penlog. He talks with us about challenges and achievements in Afghanistan's media and new projects.
Q: Please tell us about Afghan Penlog. When did it start, and what are its objectives?
The Afghan Association of Blog Writers (Afghan Penlog) was established in April 2006. The main objective was to build a community to bring Afghan bloggers together from around the world and defend their rights.
We have also published several press releases about journalist detentions in the last few years.
Recently, I have been offering online workshops for new Afghan Bloggers. In 2008, Afghan Penlog plans to teach blogging more widely in Afghanistan. I personally ran several workshops with individuals, but we want to begin teaching bigger groups. The objective of our workshops is to teach students and young journalists to blog, so they can easily start writing on the web.
We don't have free media in Afghanistan, but through blogging, journalists and other people who can't (or don't want to) use their real names in Afghan media can share their ideas.
Q: How many Afghan Penlog bloggers are there? Are there any non-Afghan members?
In total, there are 128 members whose blogs are all listed on the Afghan Penlog website. Afghan Penlog has pages in both English and Farsi/Dari, and we welcome any Farsi bloggers to become members. There are already two bloggers from Iran. The rest of the members are Afghan bloggers throughout the world.
Media under pressure
Q: It seems in recent times that several Afghan journalists have come under a lot of pressure. Why?
Well, honestly we didn't use to have a media as powerful as we have today.
During the rule of the Taliban, all TV channels, radio and newspapers were shut down. There was only Radio Kabul, which used to broadcast religious songs without music, the Quran, and news from the Taliban. In the time of the Mujahideen it was worse.
After the Taliban fell, within a year several magazine and newspapers started publishing. It increased every day but was still non-professional. Many journalists faced problems, and went to jail. Many others had to leave the country. The reason is the Mujahideen warlords are still in power. When journalists want to say something freely, they may be forced and intimidated by a local governor who was previously a fighter and commander.
Meanwhile, the government in the capital is weak and doesn't have the ability to help journalists. The government also took serious steps towards pressuring and censoring those media which were acting independently. New media legislation is still pending.
The fanatic Islamic fundamentalist figures have also influenced. They do not care what the government says, and they do not care about human rights, freedom of speech, women's rights or democracy. They consider everything through Islamic Sharia law.
Q: How you evaluate the Afghan blogosphere?
Well, Afghan blogs are improving and in increasing day by day. As far as my own research shows, blogs are becoming more popular in Afghanistan. It is a new phenomenon for Afghan people, and they are very interested to go for it. I meet people every day that ask me for help making a blog. The fact that we lack free media also encourages people to blog.
Afghan Press, a new citizen media project
Q: You have been involved with Afghan Press too. What is this project about?
Afghan Press was built in order to give accurate local news to people abroad. I am the director.
As you know, we don’t have online media to provide news to the world independently. Every day we hear bad news of explosions, suicide attacks, road bombings, killings, robberies in Afghanistan, but there is no one to provide information on social issues, women's issues, education, music, literature, culture and Afghan traditions.
When I read the news, I feel sorry for myself and wonder why our country and our people are defined as violent and tough people. I want to explain through Afghan Press that we are no different from the rest of the world; that we are forgotten, and you need to remember us today.
A challenge named electricity
Q: Once you wrote that one of the big challenges for Afghan bloggers is the shortage of electricity. Can you explain the daily challenges that an Afghan blogger faces?
That is right. We Afghan bloggers face severe conditions. We always have power outages. That is normal here. Within 24 hours we have 5 hours electricity, but also periodical outages. We need to write our posts on paper and wait until the power comes back.
Whenever we type and save something to a memory stick, we must walk a distance to access the internet. Probably this will take one hour or less, but we have to deal with this every single day.
A second hand computer can help… a lot
Q: How can international organizations help promote blogging in Afghanistan?
Bloggers in Afghanistan are really poor, and I am sure international organizations could help us. I am asking anybody reading these lines, please help us to promote blogs and digital media in Afghanistan. I believe, if we don’t develop modern media, we will not be able to provide information out of Afghanistan. We need international help.
In order to build this country, we need to inform people, teach the people and guide them. We, the Afghan Association of Blog Writers, are asking people to help us promote blogging in Afghanistan. Second-hand computers, laptops, cameras and flash disks would be a big help.
Q: Is there anything else you would like to share with Global Voices audience?
I feel truly lucky to have been giving this chance by Global Voice Online to share my views with its readers. I am very interested in Global Voices and always read the stuff in there, so keep up the hard work. I would like also ask Global Voices to participate and help promote Afghan blogs.
8 comments · »»Fouad's Week: Fouad will not be forgotten!
· 16:43
The Free Fouad campaign has organized and carried out “Fouad’s Week”, during which bloggers were invited to republish one of Fouad’s posts on their blogs and to embrace “We Are All Fouads” as a slogan. This week-long event marked two months since the dean of the Saudi bloggers, Fouad Alfarhan, was arrested on December 10, 2007 and held in Jeddah’s Dahban prison without any charges brought against him.
The goals of the “Fouad’s Week” event, as outlined on the blog campaign, are to:
1- Let Fouad rest assured that he WILL NOT BE FORGOTTEN, this is the only thing he asked for before his detention.
2- Send a message to those who detained him: “Violating one's right to speak peacefully and freely, will only support his message, and give it a burst of momentum”.
From their side, human rights organisations expressed concern and called for the release of Fouad Alfarhan. And while Reporters Without Borders condemned the government’s silence on the matter, Amnesty International has expressed fears that he is being tortured. “He is still being held, without charges and without access to a lawyer, a doctor or his wife. For someone to be held in secrecy like this, it is likely he is being ill-treated, interrogated or tortured. Why else would he be held in secrecy?” Lamri Chirouf, a researcher at Amnesty International, told ArabianBusiness.com.
In the meantime, Hands Across the Middle East Alliance (HAMSA) , a non-profit organization that works to connect activist efforts in America and the Middle East, organized a vigil on Saturday 9 February in front of the Saudi embassy in Washington, D.C. to draw attention to the Fouad's case. The rally marked the 60th day of the blogger's imprisonment. The HAMSA initiative has also launched an online letter-writing campaign addressed to Saudi Foreign Affairs Minister Prince Saud Al-Faisal. So far, 1330 people have sent letters.
Image from the C.R.I.M.E. Report a bi-weekly e-newsletter published by the HAMSA initiative.
I spoke with Nasser Weddady, a Mauritanian activist who directs HAMSA's outreach efforts, about this rally and the effectiveness of mixing offline an online activism:
Sami: Last Saturday Hands Across the Middle East Alliance (HAMSA) organized a vigil in front of the Saudi embassy in Washington, D.C., why did you felt the need to take to the streets and demonstrate?
Nasser: The issue for us is why we didn’t do it sooner. This rally happened two months after Fouad was arrested. Activism is not only online, it is also on the ground. Here in the US, we have the freedom to organize. In fact, the Saudi embassy security minder tried to intimidate us thinking that he could simply make us go away because his government does not like a protest in front of its embassy. There are a lot of people here who are very concerned about Fouad and want to do more than writing a letter. Besides, I was initially scheduled to come Washington to give a talk about Fouad’s case to Congress so we decided that we should have both events.
Sami:Did you get any reaction from the Saudi embassy?
Nasser: The Saudi embassy security tried to intimidate us at first. They insisted on seeing some sort of permission to be on public grounds — no such thing is required. However, we had gone the extra mile by having filed for a permit to run a demonstration. A totally superficial formality. Then they called for the Capitol Police to monitor the situation. The Police officers were visibly annoyed by having to come keep an eye on a protest. Meanwhile, a Saudi individual of some capacity in the embassy was monitoring the scene and calling back and forth on his cell phone. He then asked through one of the guards to have the name of the organizers and that of the person the protest was done for. All in all, the Saudi staff’s behavior just confirmed the world’s impression of them: intolerant and muzzling.
Sami: We've seen dozen of activists rallies in front of Egyptian embassies around the world calling for the release of the detained blogger kareem Amer without any success. How optimistic are you about this kind of actions and why has nothing changed?
Nasser: Grass roots protests typically don’t generate results immediately. It took the US civil rights movement YEARS of grass roots protest to end segregation. The campaign for the Burmese dissident Ang Su Kyi has been going on for a decade. It would be strange to think that US activists in the 50’s and 60’s or the Burmese monks who took to the streets last year are wasting their time. The protests are a key component of a larger campaign. They will not necessarily per se get an activist released, but are rather an element of multi-faceted struggle. Every time a protest happens a report gets sent back by these diplomats to their governments letting them know that these dissidents are not forgotten. It is also a moral statement that we will use the freedom we have here to demonstrate and will exercise it to support dissidents under fire.
Sami: Free Kareem and Free Fouad campaigns are very successful in attracting the attention of the global blogosphere and the mainstream media, though, they didn't achieve their goal of releasing booth detained bloggers, how can you explain that? Do you believe there is a correlation between a successful media campaign and a failed mission when it comes to the Middle East, a region that is very sensitive to foreign pressures?
Nasser: The decision-making process about handling dissidents is very complex and varies from case to case. the question for activists is not to outguess the dictators. The challenge is to stand up for what is right and take action. A media campaign alone will not necessarily get someone out of jail. It is, however, a vital component of a successful campaign. Harry Truman had an expression: “Sunshine is the best disinfectant”. Generally the best and most effective step to solve a problem is to acknowledge it and spot-light it instead of remaining silent. We are optimistic that Kareem and Fouad and the other bloggers we never hear about and who are behind bars will be released-thanks to grass roots protests, media coverage, diplomatic interventions and letters from thousands around the world who care. What HAMSA is strategically aiming to achieve is fusing online and offline activism. We want to create air cover for dissidents. Ultimately what we need is for lots of people to join these campaigns to succeed. Next time a free Fouad rally happens a thousand people should be there
2 comments · »»Korea: Adjusting to college life
· 14:34
A Korean student recently wrote a lengthy post about her experiences adapting to college life. Her comments apparently struck a chord with many others, and responses flowed in. Her post and the reactions of other Koreans show how some netizens think about issues like fitting in and individuality in Korea today.
나에게 너무 잔인한 대학교.대학가면 즐거울줄 알았다. 적어도 고등학교보단 …하지만 첫날에 아니라는걸 알았다.첫강의시간이 되니까 요란스런 머리를하고 연예인같이 공주님같이 입고온 햑생들이 개미떼처럼 몰려들어온다. 그리고 언제친해졌는지 왁자지껄 떠들기 시작한다. 한명씩 늦게들어오는 사람이있을때마다.안녕이라는말이 들린다. 단한마디도 할수가없다 출석체크대 빼고는 ,,, 어느 강의를 들어가도 아는사람은 존재하지않는다. 하지만 이상하게 편하다 어차피 연예인처럼 입고오는 그런애들과 친해진다는건 불가능이었다. 점심시간 식당에선 혼자먹을려면 용기가 필요하다. 유일하게 나만이 용기를냈다 혼자먹는건 나뿐이었다. 배식을 받기위해 줄을선 위대한 대학생들이 날 보고 키득거린다. 자기들은 승자라는 듯이 웃어대는 놈들 무리로 몰려다니면 자신감이 샘솟나 보지? 옷쪽팔리게 입고 머리도 고등학교때랑 다를것없고 가방도 안사고 집에있던거 매고오는게 잘못된건가? 자기눈에 유치하게 보이는것도 죄가 되는건가? 요란하게 옷을입으면 뿌듯한가? 날 깔보던 뒤에서놀리던 어떻게 생각하던 신경쓰이지않는다 웃음만 나올뿐이다. 첫강의를 마치고 나오는 난 무심코 하늘을 쳐다봤다. 고등학교 야자시간 노래를 들으며 쳐다봤던 하늘과 다를것없었다. 장소만 달라졌을뿐인데 성질 드러웟던 선생님들 말이안통했던 담임선생님 원수지간이었던 반친구 지각을했다고운동장 오리걸음 10바퀴 시키시던 선도부선생님이 왜 이렇게 그리워지는걸까…. 대학교정문이 활짝 열려져있다 자유라는 건가….. 정문이 굳게 닫히고 담을 넘어가야했던 그곳이 더 자유롭게 느껴지는건 뭘까? 다시한번 담을넘으려는 나와친구들에게 달려오시던 선생님이 있었던 시간으로 돌아가고싶다.
I thought I would enjoy college life. At least it would be better than high school… but I recognized it’s not on the first day. In the first lecture, students who dressed like entertainers and princesses rushed to the classroom like a bunch of ants. And then they started chatting with each other like they have known each other for a while. I couldn’t speak even a word, except when my name was called. There was no one I know in any lectures. But I feel comfortable. It is impossible to hang out with people who dress like entertainers. I needed guts to eat alone in a cafeteria. I was the only one who ate alone. College students who stood in line to get their meal giggled and looked at me. They laugh like they are winners. Does confidence grow when they’re in a group? Is it my problem not to dress glamorously, not to change my hairstyle from high school, and not to buy a new bag? Am I guilty of appearing cheesy in their eyes? Do they feel good wearing gaudy clothes? I don’t care how they mock me behind my back. It’s just funny. I looked up to the sky after the first lecture. It was the same sky after I finished after-school classes in high school. Just the location has changed. Hot temptered teachers, a form teacher I couldn’t communicate well with, class friends I didn’t like, a discipline teacher who made me walk in the “duck-sitting-position” ten times in a playground circle… I miss all of them. The college gate is wide open.
Is this so-called freedom? Why do I feel more freedom in a place where I had to climb over the wall? I would like to go back to the time when teachers rushed over to my friends and me who attempted to climb over the wall.
Several interesting comments and advice below her post are here.
입학식 후 첫 학기… 모두들 마치 자존심 싸움 하듯이 개성을 발산하곤 하고… 본인이 원하는 방향으로 학교생활을 하세요…자의식이 강하신 분 같은데 도서관에서 지내다 보면 자신과 생각이 비슷한 사람도 만날 기회가 오고, 또 옷 잘입는 학생과도 친분이 생길 기회도 있는 등 많은 경험을 하게 될 거예요…농활도 참여하고.. 다만 수업 끝나고 곧장 집에 가는 우를 범하진 마세요..
당신이 바뀌지 않는이상 세상은 바뀌지 않습니다..저는 학교다닐때 어느집이나 하나쯤은 있는 “회색츄리닝”을 주로 입고 다녔습니다. 물론 청바지도 입고..면바지도 입고..당신의 대학생활은 외모로 결정되어 지는게 아닙니다. 그 무리들과 친해지려고 노력해보셨나요? 밥 혼자 먹을용기는 있으면서 왜 그들에게 다가갈 용기는 없는거죠? 그리고!!그들이 당신을보고 웃었는지 다른 무언가 때문에 웃었는지 어떻게 아십니까?감히 제가 당신에 대해 상상해보면 당신은 내성적이고 말도 별로 없는사람으로 보여집니다. 담대해지세요..용기내시고 먼저 말을 걸어보세요..
대학교에서 옷 못입는다고 그 사람을 피하거나 소외시키는건… 글쎄요… 사람들이 당신의 내면을 못보기 때문아닐까요? 당신의 내면을 보여주려면 당신도 그들에게 다가서야 된다고 생각합니다. 저도 2학기를 휴학하고 복학하니 친구들이 수업도 다르고 학년도 달라 처음에는 적응하기 어려웠는데 후배들에게 말도 먼저 걸어보고 수업시간에 많이 마주치다보면 서로 친해지고 모임 나가다 보면 인맥은 점점 넓어지기 마련입니다. 다른사람에게 혐오감을 줄정도로 냄새나고 요상한 차림이 아니라면 신경쓸일이 아니라고 생각되네요.
전략이란 말이 있을정도로 사람들은 첫번째로 겉모습으로 평가하기 때문에 호감을 주는 노력은 필요하지 않을까요? 물론 내면이 가장 중요하겠지만 앞으로 회사를 다니셔도 이성을 만나서도 수없이 평가받게 될테니깐 아르바이트를 통해 번 돈으로 자신을 꾸며보세요.그리고 사실 그러다 보면, 자신감도 어느정도 생깁니다.노력없이는 바꿀수 없어요.. 사람은 혼자 살수 없으니깐 한번 노력해 보세요.충분히 잘 해낼수 있을께용. 화이팅..^^
괜찮아요~ 신경쓰지 않고 자신의 줏대대로 살아가면 되요~ 사람과 사람이 친해진다는건, 꽤 많은 시간을 필요로 하잖아요~ 처음이라 그래요 신입생이라 그래요 나중에 동기들이랑 친해지면 언제 그랬냐는듯 즐거워질거에요~!! 화이팅!!
다들 혼자 다니는 걸 격려하는 듯 하는 분위기라 한마디 씁니다. 물론 혼자 다니든 몰려 다니든 자기 자유지만 님은 학교 생활에 적응하지 못해 혼자 다니는 것 같아 걱정이 됩니다. 대학교 가서 생활에 적응 못하는 학생들 정말 많습니다. 이전에 신문기사에도 났지만 요새는 그게 더 심해졌다더군요. 사실 중고등학교 때야 교실 앉아서 같이 생활하니 어지간히 내성적인 학생 아니면 앞뒤 학생들과 한마디라도 섞고 같이 밥 먹고 하면 되지요. 그러나 대학생활은 수업도 강의실 찾아가서 듣고 식사도 자기가 알아서, 도서관도 자기가 알아서 가야 하기 때문에 대부분의 학생들은 그 생활 패턴에 처음엔 적응을 하지 못합니다.
미국이나 케나다 카패테리아에가면 혼자, 한국대학식당엔 거의 최소2인이상. 겁내지 마요^^
평소에 옷잘입는거 좋아하거나 깔깔거리며 좋아하는 사람들이랑 많이 지내보지 못하셨다고 생각하는데요.. 그런 사람들 역시 그냥 보통 사람들이랍니다.. 그리고 님의 옷차림에 대해 쑤군대는건 자신들의 집단에 들어오지 않는 님이 껄끄러워서일 겁니다. 새로운 곳에 도착해서 혼자이게 되면 뒤쳐져보인다는 생각을 하게 되잖아요 특히 여성분이 더 그럴거라 생각하는데..그래서 자기가 속한 집단에서 멀어지지 않기 위해서 옷도 막 신경쓰고 말도 일부러 더 많이하고 그러는 거라고 생각해요..
목표의식이 없으면 그렇게 되는겁니다. 뭘 바라고 대학 가신건지? 대학은 학문을 탐구하기 위해 가는 곳이니 학문에 힘쓰세요. 동아리 활동같은 것도 좀 하시구요. 대학가면 하고 싶은 공부만 하고 좋기만 한데-_-
Colombia: More Reactions to the March Against FARC
· 01:22
Photo by Pattoncito and used under a Creative Commons license.
On February 4, hundreds of thousands of Colombians around the world demonstrated against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC, for its initials in Spanish), an event which started as a Facebook group, taking advantage of the popularity of this social network in the country (Colombia is the 9th country in active users), and soon endorsed by the media and the government. It was the main topic on the Colombian blogosphere during most of January and, of course, after the march almost everyone reacted, in addition to posting their pictures and videos.
Journalist Jaime Restrepo in Atrabilioso [es] says:
Las FARC perdieron su apellido de ejército del pueblo. Simple y contundente. Millones de personas en Colombia y el mundo le enviaron un mensaje tajante al grupo terrorista sobre sus pretendidas justificaciones de propaganda nacional e internacional en el sentido de representar a los colombianos. Que les quede claro: No representan al pueblo. Pero las FARC ganaron un apellido: ejército del Polo. Así de fácil. (…) Quedó claro: las FARC representan a múltiples sectores del Polo y ahora lo que resultará difícil será determinar a cuales si, y a cuales no….Y los ciudadanos, esos millones de colombianos y extranjeros que decidieron, POR PRIMERA VEZ EN LA HISTORIA RECIENTE DEL PAÍS, salir a las calles a emitir una rotunda condena contra los terroristas de las FARC… Quedó claro que son demasiados millones de “oligarcas” los que están contra las FARC. Si la tan cacareada oligarquía fuera tan numerosa, Colombia sería más próspera que la mayoría de países desarrollados.
FARC lost their last name of “People's Army.” Simply and bluntly. Millions of people in Colombia and around the world sent a sharp message to the terrorist group on their domestic and international propaganda-intended justifications of representing Colombians. It should be clear: they don't represent the people. But FARC have earned a last name: [Opposition leftist party Alternative Democratic] Pole's Army. Just that easy. (…) It's clear: the FARC represents several sectors within the Pole and what will turn out difficult will be to figure out which ones do they represent and which ones they do not….And the citizens, those millions of Colombians and foreigners who decided, FOR THE FIRST TIME IN THE COUNTRY'S RECENT HISTORY, to go out to the streets in order to condemn outrightly the FARC terrorists… It's clear there are way too many “oligarchs” who stand against FARC. If there were so many members of the “oligarchy”, then Colombia would be more prosperous than most of the developed countries.
Julián Rosero, at equinoXio [es], also criticizes the opposition party (PDA for its initials in Spanish):
La posición del PDA debió ser contundente, rápida y consecuente. Debió decir NO a la marcha del 4 de febrero hasta que los organizadores le cambien el fin, o en su defecto, organizar paralelamente, con el mismo despliegue y con un gran ahínco, una marcha con la consigna NO A TODAS LAS FORMAS DE TERRORISMO, en cuyo eslogan estén presentes las conjeturas: No a las FARC, No al Paramilitarismo y No al Terrorismo de Estado. De hecho, debió imprimir carteles en donde la conjetura que encabezara el eslogan fuera “No a las FARC”, encima de las otras dos mencionadas, para impedir que los críticos del PDA relacionen a este partido político con esta agrupación terrorista.
PDA's position should have been blunt, quick, and consistent. It should have said NO to the February 4th march, until their organizers changed its objective, or otherwise, to organize, separately, eagerly and with the same display of enthusiasm, a march with the slogan NO TO ANY FORM OF TERRORISM, including No FARC, no paramilitaries, and no State terrorism. In fact, it should have printed posters where the heading was “No to the FARC” over the other two mentioned, in order to prevent PDA critics to link this political party with that terrorist group.
Cartoonist Vladdo claims [es] that the march doesn't own its success to Facebook, but to the hate most Colombians feel toward the FARC is:
El mismo odio que ha elegido dos veces a Álvaro Uribe. Y el mismo que llevó a las emisoras de radio, canales de televisión, periódicos y revistas a dedicarse con un empeño sin precedentes a la causa del 4-F; proceso en el cual quedó claro que la crispación que producen las FARC es un tema que conquista lectores y capta audiencia. (Lástima que ese fenómeno nunca se vea con las víctimas de las AUC y sus masacres y desaparecidos; ni con los desplazados; ni con los perjudicados por los falsos positivos).
The same hate which has twice elected Álvaro Uribe. And the same who lead radio stations, television networks, newspapers and magazines to devote an unprecedented effort to the F-4 cause (February 4th march date); a process which made clear that the anger FARC produces and is an issue that attracts readers and gains an audience. (It's a shame that phenomenon can't be seen with the victims of AUC, their massacres and their disappeared; nor with the displaced people, not those affected with the false positives).
Vladdo also criticizes the ambiguous attitude of the Democratic Pole toward the demonstration, which “confused a lot of their militants, who in this kind of circumstances need a lot their leaders to instruct them”.
Colombians abroad also chimed in with their thoughts. From Los Angeles, Alexillopillo, besides wondering about the real usefulness of the demonstration and how the magnitude of the march had moved him, makes a reflection [es]:
Hace 13 años, una de mis primeras noches pagando servicio militar en Neiva escuché a un capitan decir ante todo el pelotón formado, momentos antes de enviarnos a dormir, que el ejército Colombiano era tan bueno pero tan bueno, que la guerrilla no habia podido acabar con él en mas de 40 años. Todo mundo pareció estar de acuerdo, pero yo por dentro solo pensaba “No será mas bien al revés? Que el ejército Colombiano es tan, pero tan abominablemente inepto, que no ha podido acabar con la guerrilla en mas de 40 años?” Con esa mentalidad, no es una sorpresa que la guerrilla nos desangre lentamente a su gusto.
Thirteen years ago, on one of my first nights of my military service in Neiva, I heard a captain say in front of the entire squad, moments before he sent us to bed, that Colombian army was so good that guerrilla had proved to be unable to destroy it for more than 40 years. Everyone seemed to agree, but I thought inside “Shouldn't it be the opposite way? That Colombian army was so abominably terrible that it has proven to be unable to destroy guerrilla for more than 40 years?” With that mentality, it's not a surprise that guerrilla slowly bleeds us at their will.
Though she didn't marched, Ana María Arango remarks [es]:
[L]a marcha del 4 de febrero fue una ruptura con los antecedentes de aletargamiento, apatía y negligencia en la clase media y alta colombiana frente a problemáticas políticas. Independientemente de la polarización que generó, esta marcha es un logro sin precedentes y un hecho del que nos debemos alegrar; porque además de que puso en evidencia el rechazo tan fuerte a las FARC, nos mostró que también miles de personas salieron de su comodidad y de su entorno inmediato a protestar por la violencia y el secuestro más allá de sus inclinaciones políticas.
The February 4th march was a breakthrough against the lethargy, apathy and negligence fromColombia's upper and middle-classes, in regards to political issues. Regardless the polarization it caused, this march is an unprecedented achievement and a fact we should be happy for; because, besides making clear such a strong contempt for FARC, it also showed us thousands of people who left their comfortable and their immediate environment to protest violence and kidnapping regardless of their political tendencies.
Minoría desinformada [es] slammed the politicians of the ruling party who took advantage of the march to propose Uribe's second re-election [es]:
Muchos sabíamos que eso iba a pasar -así los organizadores digan que no tenían ningún interés político- y por eso fue que decidimos de manera autónoma y consciente, no marchar. No salimos a unirnos a la multitudinaria manifestación, que sin duda marcó un hito en nuestra historia patria, no porque eso signifique que estemos de acuerdo ni remotamente con algún crimen de lesa humanidad cometido por las FARC. En muchas oportunidades en esta bitácora, la Minoría desinformada ha expresado claramente y sin dubitaciones su rechazo contundente contra esta organización armada, que nos atrevemos incluso a definir como “cartel”, porque en eso se han convertido (…) Entonces, no necesitábamos marchar para expresar nuestro repudio tantas veces mencionado. En ese sentido, respaldamos todavía a quienes ese histórico día se manifestaron en contra de la violencia en Colombia, y uno de sus causantes, sin duda, es la guerrilla de las FARC.
Pero no marchamos porque sabíamos que eso se iba a utilizar para hacer política y de la forma más oportunista y repulsiva, porque ahora el significado de esa concentración es “el respaldo a Álvaro Uribe”. No hay derecho. Cuando sabemos que esa marcha se dio porque todavía hay gente secuestrada, que no ha visto la libertad en más de 5 años y ninguna de las partes ha querido bajar su arrogancia para solucionar el conflicto de forma negociada.
A lot of us knew this was going to happen -even the organizers say they had no political interests- and that's why we decided autonomously and consciously not to march. We didn't go out to join that multitudinary demonstration, which without a doubt set a milestone in our country's history, not because that means that we remotely agree with any of the crimes against humanity perpetrated by FARC. We've expressed in several occassions on this blog our contempt for that armed organization, which we dare to define as a “cartel”, because that's what they've become. (…) Then, we didn't need to march in order to express our rejection so many times mentioned. In that sense, we still support those who demonstrated that historic day against violence in Colombia, and one of its causes, without a doubt, are the FARC guerrillas. But we didn't march because we already knew that was going to be used for campaigning so repulsively and opportunistly, because right now the meaning of that demonstration is to “support Álvaro Uribe”. They have no right. When we know that march happened because there's still people kidnapped, who haven't seen freedom for more than 5 years and no one of the parts involved want to forget their arrogance to solve the conflict in a negotiated way.
Mateo Echeverry [es] writes about the media coverage:
El cubrimiento que le dieron los medios a la marcha fue masivo, pero paradójicamente, un poco superficial. La emotividad y dimensión de la manifestación la hacían más apropiada para el deleite estético (muy apropiadamente RCN tuvo a su servicio un helicóptero que daba vueltas por todo Bogotá trasmitiendo las imágenes en vivo). Más allá de las imágenes, la información de los medios se limitó a interpretar la marcha como una señal de “unión entre los colombianos”. Lo que no hicieron fue matizar el significado que para cada marchante tenía. La imagen de la gran masa blanca desplazándose opacó las particularidades de la jornada.
Analizando los medios no resulta tan interesante la cobertura de la marcha en sí, sino, la fuerte decisión de los medios de apoyar esta marcha particular creada por un ciudadano cualquiera.
The media coverage on the march was massive but paradoxically a little shallow. The emotivity and the dimension of the demonstration made it more appropriate for the aesthetic joy ([Pro-Uribe] RCN used a helicopter which toured the Bogotá sky broadcasting live pictures). Beyond the pictures, media information limited interpretation of the march as a sign of the “unity among Colombians”. What they didn't do was to clarify the meaning it has for every one of the demonstrators. The picture of the big white mass moving hides the particularities of the day. Analyzing the media is not as interesting as the coverage on the march itself, but the strong decision by the media to endorse this particular march created by an anonymous citizen.
Marsares summarizes in a post some lessons and consequences from the march. Besides agreeing with some of the other views posted here (the critics towards PDA, the unity of Colombians expressed through their hate towards FARC, the role of the mass media in the demonstration's success), equinoXio's chief-editor remarks [es]:
Los problemas de Colombia involucran sólo a los colombianos que viven en Colombia. Los que residen en el exterior sólo participan en las fiestas patrias o en situaciones coyunturales como ésta. Es natural. Tienen sus propios problemas de supervivencia y sólo sienten al país en las noticias, la música o los recuerdos. No les queda tiempo para más. (…) La verdad, incluso para Estados Unidos, es que somos apenas un país de Latinoamérica que poco le interesa al mundo como hace poco lo resaltaba Andrés Oppenheimer. De ahí la importancia de la marcha. Por lo menos estamos unidos para enfrentar a la guerrilla y eso ya es mucho.
The problems of Colombia only involve Colombians living in Colombia. The ex-patriates only participate during the national holidays or situations like this one. It's natural. They have their own survival issues and they just feel the country on the news, the music or their memories. They have no time for anything else. (…) Actually, even for the United States, we're just a Latin American country the world is only a little interested in, as Andrés Oppenhaimer remarked. That's the importance of the march. At least we're united to confront guerrilla and that means a lot.
He is also concerned about Uribe's upcoming possible re-election:
En 2010, salvo un hecho extraordinario, se le renovará el mandato a la Seguridad Democrática (a Uribe o a un uribista), erosionándose los principios fundamentales del Estado Social de Derecho, que se fundamenta en la pluralidad, regresándose al unanimismo del pasado y a la concentración del poder, con un PDA que ingresará a la lista de proyectos fallidos de la izquierda. La Seguridad Democrática, como las telenovelas de mayor audiencia, se alarga para conservar el rating de la derecha recalcitrante y excluyente que hoy gobierna a Colombia.
In 2010, unless something extraordinary occurs, the Democratic Security's mandate will be renewed (to Uribe or one of his supporters), eroding the fundamental principles of the pluralism-based Social State of Right, and returning to the unanimity from the past and the concentration of power, with a PDA which will become part of the list of the Colombian left's failed projects. The Democratic Security, as prime time telenovelas, extends to keep the rating of the diehard, excluding right-wing that currently rules Colombia.
Finally, “Utopian chronicler” Daniel Ramos believes [es] Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez did gain something with the march:
[L]o que Hugo quiere es darle una salida política a las FARC, enseñarles principios revolucionarios (”Se puede sin secuestro, aunque un golpe de Estado es una opción válida también”), pedagogía humanitaria (”Suelten otros 3 secuestrados por favor, ahí vamos poco a poco volviéndonos una alternativa social y política”) y bases democráticas (”Compañeros, estamos jodidos en apoyo popular, ¡miren esa foto! Chamos: así no se puede seguir. Tenemos que hacer méritos a ver si algún día podemos abrir nuestro propio grupo en Facebook”). Claro, la reeducación de las FARC le tomará bastante tiempo, pero hoy en día parece que no hay nadie más capaz de hacerlo.
What Hugo wants is to give FARC a political option, to teach them revolutionary principles (”It's possible with no kidnappings, though a coup d'état is a valid option too”), humanitarian pedagogy (”Please, release another 3 hostages, we're gradually becoming a social and political alternative”), and democratic grassroots (”Comrades, we're screwed without popular support, look that picture! Chamos: we can't continue like this. We must gain recognition to see if one day we can open our own Facebook group”). Of course, FARC's re-education will take a lot of time for him, but nowadays it seems there's nobody else who can do it.
8 comments · »»Russia: Sergei Dorenko on Badri Patarkatsishvili
· 01:15
Badri Patarkatsishvili, an exiled Georgian tycoon, opposition politician and Boris Berezovsky's longtime friend and business partner, died unexpectedly on Feb. 12 in England.
World media are providing extensive coverage of the ongoing investigation into Patarkatsishvili's death, and the Russian blogosphere offers plenty of commentary as well.
Here is what journalist Sergei Dorenko, who headed Berezovsky's ORT channel's news service under Patarkatsishvili, has written (RUS) about his former boss and the people who surrounded him:
I called Boris [Berezovsky], asked him whether it was really so.
He could barely talk - very difficult for him. But he confirmed, yes, Badri [Patarkatsishvili] is gone.
Strange and hard to believe.
Then I also talked to a friend who was doing some business with Badri, and they'd had a phone conversation at 7 PM London time yesterday. Badri was full of energy during that conversation, joked a lot and sounded beautifully.
He died at 11 PM London time.
And I had also spent nearly two weeks with Badri, from Dec. 14 to 26. Saw him for many hours daily - from morning till evening. A very strong person. Very energetic. Don't remember him complaining of being tired, not once, don't remember him feeling unwell, or taking any medication, or visiting doctors.
Since he was running for president of Georgia, there was a lot of work to be done. But he was managing well. He was coping with pressure better than I'm capable of - because I can't stand sleep deprivation at all.
He was 52. He would've turned 53 at the end of October.
Everyone's asking me about him, but I don't know what to say, except for what I've said above.
He is Berezovsky's friend. More than a friend. More than a brother.
He was a good friend of Kostya Ernst [director general of ORT]. Until Putin invited Kostya to join him. They had reached an agreement. Kostya called Badri after the meeting with Putin and told him very loudly and clearly: “Badri, I'm a piece of shit.” And then he hung up right away. I think this says a lot about Ernst. Characterizes him positively overall as a human being. He could've abstained from calling, but he did call. It means a lot. And this is how Badri thought about it. And Kostya today could've said a lot about his friend.
[Andrei Lugovoi, ex-KGB operative, currently a deputy of the State Duma, accused of murdering Aleksandr Litvinenko] had been working under his command for a long time. Lugovoi has a lot to tell, I think.
I used to run into Lugovoi in Badri's reception area. As for Kostya Ernst, I used to see him in Patarkatsishvili's study. Though it wasn't too often that I passed through that reception into that study. Badri ran the finances of [the ORT Channel], while I was in the news. We the news folks are a special caste, the elite […]. We don't need money, don't give a damn about the money - that is, we don't count the money and never will, and who gets the money and where from, it's none of our business. Well, Badri was somehow getting the money, and we never bothered to ask whether it was easy for him or not…
So yeah, it'd be worth it to ask Kostya some questions. And Lugovoi.
And me, what can I recall?
He tried to look very respectable. He was imitating Stalin a little bit? The way he acted, the way he spoke…
Once, at Berezovsky's birthday party in 1997, Badri came up to me and patted me on the should, saying: “Attaboy, attaboy!” Then he moved his hand the way I interpreted as an attempt to pat me on the cheek superiorly. I'm not sure, because I turned around and evaded his pat, and left outraged.
I waked through the hall. I walked through the vestibule. I walked down the stairs of the [LogoVAZ] receptions building. I got outside and ran towards my Pajero. Got behind the wheel. But couldn't shut the door - because Boris had been walking behind me all this time. He held the Pajero's door and asked: “Don't leave, it's my birthday, forgive him, this is the way he is, this is how he's used to be, he's Georgian. Over there in Georgia it's okay for people to touch one another, it's not considered offensive.” I responded angrily and with curses, said bad things about the Caucasian habit of standing 20 cm from each other, yelling right into the other guy's mouth, patting on the shoulder, etc. Boris said he really wanted me to accept Badri the way he was, because Badri was his friend, the only REAL friend. Boris was standing out in the freezing Moscow street on Jan. 23, without his jacket on. At some point, I pointed out to him that he was freezing, standing the way he did, holding the Pajero's door. He admitted the absurdity of the scene - bodyguards five meters away, on tram rails, me inside the car, he right next to it. Well, it was kind of silly. It was his birthday, moreover. And so I returned.
Then in Nov. 1998 Badri decided at some point that ORT might cease to exist at any moment. And he threw a party at LogoVAZ's receptions building. Shabdurasulov, Pozner, Yakubovich, Lyubimov were all there. There were some ten people, including Berezovsky. They were serving suckling pigs from some Georgian restaurant. Badri said that we had done a good job, and that we would probably not work any longer, if a loan didn't turn up. Then someone said a toast. Then I got up and spoiled the evening. I said that I manage 500 people - the news service. That those people haven't been paid their salaries since August [following the financial crisis of 1998]. That these people had lost their [bank savings]. That my colleagues were coming to work with plastic bags with buckwheat meals in them - they couldn't afford eating at the cafeteria, it was too expensive for them. And that I considered this party [immoral] - with those piglets and well-fed [faces]. And I couldn't stay with this crowd. And so I left. And this time no one tried to get me back. Because, moreover, my resignation got exchanged for a 100-million loan at the order of [Yevgeniy Primakov]. And thank God for that. These words sounded very appropriately and beautifully afterwards: “You want your staff to get their salaries, don't you? Then leave and don't stand in the way - this is [Primakov]'s condition.”
Eventually, we did forgive each other. Me and Badri. When I became déclasséd and he turned into an exile. We started to interact, little by little, carefully, every minute expecting to find a reason to have a fight. And we didn't find any reason to fight.
And now we'll never have it at all.
Though, here's one: this death of his is so sudden and inexplicable - what kind of a prank is that?
I really, really regret it. It's bitter for me to think that our Badrik is dead. And I'm happy to have known him and to have worked with him.
And I fear for Boris - Litvinenko was quite a blow, and Badri is a blow that's many times as forceful.
A question: did he [leave] by himself or was he helped to. I'd like to get an answer to this question.
Garry Kasparov's aide Marina Litvinovich (LJ user abstract2001) posted a link to Dorenko's account on her blog and wrote (RUS):
1 comment · »»Other people's lives.
Dorenko writes in his LJ about Badri, Berezovsky, Ernst, about his departure from ORT (in exchange for a loan for ORT from Primakov - the war of clans had already started then, and it ended with Putin's arrival).
Nice, useless details - and the significant ones are showing through.
Arabeyes: No to ‘Offensive' Blogs
· 00:23
The Arab Bloggers Union is urging (Ar) bloggers to report ‘offensive' blogs. The aim is to curtail the spread of offensive material online, which the union says threatens our morals, ethics and values.
The following letter appeared on Arabic blog portal Maktoob, signed by union president Dr Mohammed Shadi Kaskeen, a Syrian blogger and poet, based in Sweden. It says:
يتابع إتحاد المدونين العرب ببالغ الأسف ظهور بعض المدونات المسيئة التي تكيل الإتهامات والهرطقات والشتائم للأديان والرسل والمعتقدات والمقدسات متطاولة على الذات الإلهية مشككة في قيم الأمة ومقدساتها متجاوزة ثوابتنا وأخلاقياتنا.
ولأننا نثق أن موقع ” مكتوب” هو موقع تدويني عربي خالص يلتزم المسجلون فيه بهذه الثوابت والقيم فإن إتحاد المدونين العرب وهو بيت كل مدون وخط الدفاع عن حقوق المدونين وأراءهم ومع كل إلتزامه بحرية المعتقد والرأي والإختلاف الإيجابي البناء يناشد موقع مكتوب حذف اي مدونة تتجاوز حدود إختلاف الرأي والإعتقاد إلى التطاول على الذات الإلهية والرسل الكرام صلوات الله عليهم والأديان والكتب السماوية والأخلاق والقيم ويطالب بحظر تسجيل أصحابها مرة أخرى في موقع مكتوب, كما يناشد الإتحاد السادة المدونين الكرام إبلاغ الإتحاد بريدياً عن أي مدونة من ذا النوع دون نشر رابطها بين المدونات أو الترويج غير المتعمد لإدراجاتها المسيئة وهو هدف كل مسيء ومتطاول, ويلتزم إتحاد المدونين العرب بإبقاء الباب مفتوحاً أمام التعاون مع إدارة مكتوب لوقف هذه الإساءات التي لا تقل عن الحملة العدائية والإستهداف المستمر لأمتنا وقيمنا وأخلاقنا وثوابتنا.
The Arab Bloggers Union has been following with great sorrow the emergence of some offensive blogs, which are hurling accusations and using derogatory terms against religions, prophets and beliefs, trespassing over the Divine, casting doubt on the values and beliefs of our community and abusing our ethics. And because we believe that Maktoob is a pure Arab blogging site, those registered on it should adhere to our ethics and values and because the Arab Bloggers Union is a home for every blogger and a line of defense for the rights of bloggers and their opinions, supporting the freedom of belief and opinion, and differences which are constructive, we urge Maktoob to delete any blog which exceeds the limits of opinion and belief by trespassing on God, the Prophets, religions, religious books, morality and values. The Union also calls for banning bloggers (who break the rules) from registering on Maktoob again. The Union urges bloggers to write to the union and inform it about any offensive blogs, without publishing their links to speak their offensive messages on blogs as this is the ultimate goal of those who trespass. The Arab Bloggers Union will leave the door open for the cooperation of the Maktoob administration to stop such offensive behaviour which are campaigns full of animosity and aim at targeting our nation, values, morals and beliefs.
A commentator to the post said:
اتحاد مدونين يطالب بحذف مدونات !
و يطالب المدونين بالعمل كرقباء و مخبرين على المدونات للمساعدة في حذف أكبر عدد من المدونات !!
Another commentator wrote in:
فين النفع في الحاله دي؟
A third blogger commented:
فيه فرق كبير وكاشف- بين حذف العبارات المخالفة للقانون وبين حذف المدونة
There is a huge difference between deleting offensive words, which are against the law, and deleting entire blogs.
Links for Roundups
Eastern & Central Europe
The presidential election in the Czech Republic continues - and the legislators have been drinking some wine, The Czech Daily Word reports.
Eastern & Central Europe
Latvian Abroad is pleasantly surprised with Russia's new ambassador to Latvia - Aleksandr Veshnyakov, former head of the Central Election Committee: “He was interviewed by Echo of Moscow radio station before leaving for Latvia and he declared that he will learn Latvian because he considers that as a measure of respect for the country to which he is appointed […].”
Eastern & Central Europe
Ljubisa Bojic announces the launch of the first Serbian Web Journalism School.
Eastern & Central Europe
Vilhelm Konnander criticizes “international media's one-eyedness in Russia reporting.”
Eastern & Central Europe
Moscow Rules writes about corruption and reposts a table of “the current going rate for bribes people have to pay to do business here in Russia,” originally published in a Russian business daily.
Middle East & North Africa
Caesar of Pentra, from Iraq, visits Ad Dora Bazaar in Baghdad.
Central Asia & Caucasus
Leigh’s new adventure in Azerbaijan posts news of an appeal on behalf of Eynulla Fatullayev, editor of an Azerbaijani newspaper, currently facing prosecution in Azerbaijan. The blog says that with a “lack of transparency in the Azeri court system, it is hard to know if anyone is ever guilty or innocent.”
Central Asia & Caucasus
The Armenian Observer posts a comprehensive update and roundup on what's new in the pre-election blogosphere. In particular, the digest examines how some bloggers consider the various candidates on offer and how to cast their votes.
Central Asia & Caucasus
Unzipped is disappointed by news that an opposition candidate has not pulled out of the race for next week's presidential election in Armenia to support another, former president Levon Ter-Petrossian. Meanwhile, The Armenian Observer offers another opinion.
Central Asia & Caucasus
The Armenian Patchwork posts photographs of a pre-election campaign rally held by former president, Levon Ter-Petrossian, in Armenia's second largest city of Gyumri.
Central Asia & Caucasus
Today might have been St. Valentine's day, but in Armenia it was also Trndez, an ancient pagan festival now absorbed into the Christian calendar. Posts from Armenia, a Peace Corps blog, posts an account of the festival.
South Asia
A certain advertisement aired in India - that seems to sell insurance by communicating that daughters are a burden, isn't winning this author's heart at Sepia Mutiny.
South Asia
An apt post for Valentine's Day, The Rational Fool on the plight of Indian widows and the religious sanction that allows society to ostracize them.
South Asia
groundviews talks of the right to 'shoot' - in the context of a leading Sri Lankan photojournalist being detained by the police for ta