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Jorge Gobbi: Travel Blogs and Experiences From the Road

Eduardo Avila · 15:29

lingua → bn · es

The grand city of Buenos Aires, Argentina is a favorite destination for many tourists. It is also the home of Global Voices' author for Argentina, Jorge Gobbi, who is a bit partial to the happening metropolis, “It has a great nightlife, many places to get to know. Around here the whole world comes here to eat meat, but one must leave room for pizzas, empanadas and pastas.” He adds however, “it is not so simple to get to know because there is not enough information in the tourist guides.”

Another favorite destination for tourists is Jorge's blog called Blog de Viajes [es] (Travel Blog), which has been online since October 2003. The blog goes beyond simply recommending places to visit in Buenos Aires, Latin America and the rest of the world, but it attempts to address traveling from a different perspective.

Travel Blog, on one hand, wants to help travelers construct their own travel experience, but on the other hand, it wants to discuss the relationship between tourism, politics and economy. Not everything is wonderful in this area, such as what is shown when reading a magazine or a travel supplement in a newspaper. Luckily, I have the freedom to publish what I want; that is invaluable, because the blog is my space for personal freedom.

The blog has also opened many doors for Jorge, as it has helped highlight some of his travel writing, but also it demonstrated his knowledge of this important industry of tourism. He has been hired by a pair of private travel-related companies to maintain their blogs, such as for Despegar [es] (a travel booking search engine) and for Logitravel [es]. Being able to work from remote locations has also enabled Jorge to work from the road, where he has been able to pursue his love of traveling.

Some of his most memorable trips have been in North and South America.

It was my trip through Argentina, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador and Chile in 1999. It was a trip very important because I had to prove the ability to organize a two-month trip and whether I could do so with the budgeted money and fulfill it in the planned time. My last trip to the United States (New York, New Jersey and Washington, DC) was also important because noting the differences in living in New Jersey suburb was an experience that tourists not always reach. And New York was a city that I have always wanted to go to. It is worth going many more times.

Yet not everything goes according to plan, but sometimes that is part of the charm of traveling in new places being put in different situations.

In 2005 in Bolivia, we also had many problems. During the problems which ended the government of Mesa, we stayed an entire day in a stranded bus on the outskirts of El Alto. Later we were able to reach El Alto and found a taxi that could take us to Desaguadero. However along the road there were many roadblocks and protests, so we had to get out and leave some money so that they could let us pass. All of this took place on a deserted road, without police or anything. It was a bit impressive to see 20-30 people surround the taxi every time we reached a roadblock, they searched the car to make sure that there were no Westerners, Chileans or Peruvians. The small problem was that of the 5 occupants of the car, the taxi driver was Bolivian, three were Peruvians, including my wife and me. So, I was the one that always talked. In the ranking of the most hated, it appears that I, as an Argentine was the least important of us all. It was a tense night, but we made it :). That small incident has not made me lose the idea that Bolivia is a beautiful country and one that I have visited six times in a short period of time.

For Jorge, traveling is much more than seeing new tourist sites and new surroundings, but rather a sort of personal challenge. “Being in motion is something very interesting, as it forces you to be alert all of the time. Sometimes you can relax, but at the same time it is an intellectual challenge,” he added.

But traveling never seems to get old for Jorge, who has a long list of places when asked where he would like to visit.

Many places. One is in my country and I have yet to visit and that is Ushuaia. I have already been to the extreme north in La Quiaca and now I need to go to the extreme south. Outside of my country, I would love to visit Japan, in particular Tokyo, Cambodia and other countries in Southeast Asia; and Iceland and Scandinavia. In the United States, I have yet to visit San Francisco. In Latin America, first on my list are Colombia and Costa Rica. Another place is Prague, and it appears that I will soon get to visit there :). For now, I see most as less likely, mostly for economic reasons.

In addition to his work on the travel blogs, personal blogs, and writing for Global Voices, he is employed at Buenos Aires University in the Department of Communication Scienes, where is also pursuing a doctorate in Social Sciences. He remains plenty busy and may be motivated to stay busy due to an experience from one of his first jobs.

For two years, I worked as a cashier's assistant for a wholesale supermarket, while I started school. I hated that damn job, and from that point on I promised myself that I would only work in fields for which I am studying for, and since then, I have fulfilled that promise :).

6 comments · »»

Zimbabwe: Harare is tense after Tsvangirai claims victory

Ndesanjo Macha · 15:08

While the whole world is waiting for the official announcement of election results in Zimbabwe, the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvagirai, is claiming victory. Amanda Atwood writes:

But the MDC isn’t waiting. Ballot papers were counted at polling stations, and many of these have finished. Based on these preliminary results, the MDC is claiming victory.

Bev Clark argues that it is time for open air celebrations:

OK its almost official but not quite - the Movement for Democratic Change has trounced the “fist of fury”. Way to go. We’ve had two victory press conferences at the Meikles Hotel which are entirely necessary, but its enough already. As Amanda rightly asked, when is the MDC going to reconnect with their supporters who are sitting in the dark, waiting and wondering about the election results? The MDC’s base of support comes from working class people who don’t have access to satellite TV and the Internet.

Morgan Tsvangirai should be doing victory laps around high density suburbs, inspiring and preparing Zimbabweans for the next round of the fight for democracy. As we all know winning elections in Zimbabwe don’t necessarily mean a transfer of “power”.

So where are the MDC trucks and vans and cars filled with campaign workers roaming the cities hooting up a storm of resistance? They were very active and visible pre-election - now where have they gone?

Enough with Press Conferences for Change; let’s have some open air celebrations.

Hope reports that the situation in Harare is tense:

The news in now is that the streets of Harare have gone quiet. That the atmosphere there is tense with police being deployed all over the city.

Tension is rising with every minute they delay the announcement of the votes.

In contrast, in Bulawayo celebrations are starting.

It’s a rollercoaster ride.

There are suspicious movement of cars towards the headquarters of the ruling ZANU PF:

As we all wait with bated breath for results, word from a colleague in Harare is that he spotted scores of Mercs and 4×4s hurtling towards Zanu PF headquarters at top speed disregarding red lights. What’s up, we wonder?

News already out is that the MDC have claimed victory.

There are unconfirmed reports that Robert Mugabe has left the country:

The unconfirmed reports (or rumours) are flying crazily. Just heard that Robert Mugabe has apparently left for Mozambique (this morning it was Mauritius).

We also heard that Chiweshe (ZEC Chairman) fled the Meikles Hotel in Harare where the press are gathered waiting to hear results. The story goes that he refused to deliver the news.

Another unconfirmed report is that Elliot Manyike has shot someone in anger, seriously angry because he lost his seat.

But the oddest news of the morning so far is the story that Sabina Mugabe has died of a heart attack and Bob is using this as an excuse to delay the news.

I laughed at this last, because it sounds like such Zimbo grapevine stuff, but the story is coming in from a variety of sources.

It’s hard to filter fact from fiction at this stage. But what it tells me is that the nation is desperate for news and starting to share everything they have as fast as they can.

Oh, and last bit of confirmed news - this is fact fact - via the ZBC is that they are still “verifying” the results. We all know what “verifying” has meant in previous years.

You can find latest election results at My Zimbabwe Today blog:

Vote counting continues in the Zimbabwe elections. Here I will keep collecting the latest elections results from Zimbabwe. Early results seems to show a win for Tsvangirayi's MDC. MDC is said to have won 28 seats in Harare with only one seat to be confirmed.
There are also reports indicating that most current Zimbabwe Ministers have been swept away by the tide of change. Eliot Manyika, Zvinavashe, Vice President Mujuru, Mutasa, Muchinguri they are all said to have lost the election.

Constituencies won by MDC - Morgan Tsvangirayi

MT DARWIN
NYANGA
MAKONI CENTRAL
MAKONI SOUTH
MUTARE CENTRAL
DANGAMVURA CHIKANGA

Are the words of Izzy Mutanhaurwa becoming a reality?:

Everything has a beginning and an end, even governments formed on a bedrock of anti-colonisation movements even dictatorships come to an end. It was 27 years for Zambia, 30 years for Malawi and it will be almost 28 years exactly for Zimbabwe just 18 days shy of our independence from colonial settlers for us to be able to have a post-liberation struggle government. Tomorrow the 29th March 2008 Zimbabweans will go to the polls to choose their next government and bin the current illegal government of Robert Mugabe. I have no doubt in my mind that MDC will win the vote as we did in 2000, 2002 & 2005 for us to loose the count.

Before the elections, Sokwanele, used Google Map to map election rigging:

Sokwanele has mapped a sample of breaches logged under our Zimbabwe Election Watch (ZEW) project using Google’s map function.
The interactive map aims to give a visual impression of the scale and many ways in which the Zimbabwean government has breached the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections. Elections are a process, not an event, and the same applies to rigging: the scene has been set for unfree and unfair elections on March 29th, and the conditions on the ground have been developed through many months of non-compliance with regional electoral standards.
The events and incidents mapped on the Zimbabwe Election Watch map represent a small sample of the breaches identified under the project since we started monitoring the government’s non-cooperation with regional standards in July 2007. All the information logged under Zimbabwe Election Watch is derived from media sources.
For more detail on the full range of breaches we have logged through the duration of the project, and more information on the SADC Principles and Guidelines, please visit the Zimbabwe Election Watch section of our website and explore the data through the database interface.

Will Sokwanele’s map show us whether the Zimbabwe election was rigged?, asks Ethan Zuckerman:

Each icon on the map corresponds to a media report of an incident that controvenes SADC standards for a free and fair election. Clicking on an icon will take you to the issue of Sokwanele’s Zimbwbe Elections Watch newsletter, which summarizes media report on the elections, and to a database record, where each instance is coded as to which SADC rules it violates.
The Sokwanele site is very careful to note that these media reports represent a sample of violations of SADC standards. It’s very difficult for journalists to afford to travel to rural areas, so reports of possible rigging in those locations are less likely. And since Zimbabwe’s press climate is quite constrained, it’s likely that many incidents of election fraud will go unreported.
Sokwanele has employed some clever and careful tactics here. Because they’re not accepting reports of election fraud, they’re not reporters so much as aggregators. That may help them steer clear of Zimbabwe’s laws which require journalists to be licensed - were they to attempt a strategy like Ushahidi’s of allowing citizens to report incidents of violence, I suspect they’d be shut down immediately.
Will Sokwanele’s map show us whether the Zimbabwe election was rigged? It’s possible that it already has - the map is filled with incidents of “political cleansing”, violence where people who don’t hold membership cards in ZANU-PF have been chased out. If you can’t safely make it to a polling place, you can’t vote. There are countless reports of failures to register voters, of food being given to government supporters and not to the opposition, of violence from police and troops against citizens.

6 comments · »»

Armenia: Opposition Protests Continue

Onnik Krikorian · 15:02

Police

Despite amendments to the law on public marches, rallies and demonstrations following the recently lifted state of emergency in Armenia, the opposition continues to hold meetings on the streets of the capital, Yerevan. In order to circumvent the restrictions, the gatherings attended by less than 100 people are held under the guise of playing chess, reading books or even eating fast food in public.

Human Rights Watch has already lambasted the governmental measure and Unzipped welcomes the action by opposition supporters. Most of the demonstrators support the former president, Levon Ter-Petrossian, who claims victory in the disputed 19 February presidential election in Armenia.

Announcement on “daily walks”, or “political walks”, or “popular walks”, as some may call it, came out on Sunday, 23 March 2008. Since then “daily walks” around Liberty sq - which is ‘sieged’ by police - are being organized as an act of defiance against the limitations of civil liberties imposed by Armenian government.

[…]

Excellent idea. Loving it.

Khirimian’s Thought, however, says it can understand why such a measure was introduced and argues that it is necessary in the context of violent clashes between the security forces and opposition on 1 March and what the government sees as continuing attempts to stage a “colored revolution” in Armenia.

By no means am I justifying the government’s strategy toward establishing political stability through public and civil restrictions, however, I can see the necessity to do so in order to avoid further bloodshed and unrest. […] It is blatantly obvious that if demonstrations are allowed to continue, whether they have legitimate basis or not, LTP will take advantage of the emotions and pure intentions of the Armenian people and will continue advocating for the systematic elimination of the current government, also creating the opportunity for further violence to emerge.

Indeed, in a translation of an article published on a samizdat blog, a fugitive opposition leader, newspaper editor Nikol Pashinian, says that such actions will force the government to act in even more repressive ways, thus precipitating their downfall. Pashinian likens the process to tightening a bolt too much.

And so, what do we need to do, my fellow citizens of Armenia? We must not allow the pair an exit out of this process of “tightening the bolts,” because as long as you are tightening the bolts, you can't drive the car. Moreover, bolts have a tendency to split, to break. That happens when you tighten them beyond the degree to which they can be tightened. The Serjo-Kocharianic bolts have arrived at that point, and in order for them to split, it is necessary to force them to continue the business of tightening. How?

Most Important of all, of course, are the daily walks in the vicinity of Freedom Square. This is a fundamental task that we all need to carry out.

Riot Police

And the theory might just have proved itself in practice. Even though the demonstrations are small and ostensibly do not threaten public order, my Armenia Election Monitor 2008 carries an account and photographs of the dispersal of one such action by riot police last weekend. Although the police gave around 50 demonstrators two warnings in three hours, there was no violence or clashes, but the sight of riot police in a major Yerevan propaganda is ultimately counterproductive for the authorities.

[A]fter about an hour and a half the police read out the riot act to those gathered on Yerevan’s new Northern Avenue and the riot police moved in. A few women refused to move and lectured the police. A few among the protesters started to whistle and jeer, chanting the name of former president Levon Ter-Petrossian before being quickly told to stop by others among them. Being forced to move down Northern Avenue, one elderly man sitting and holding a lit candle was physically moved from his seat by police.

Yerevan Protest

A few days later and the police played directly into the hands of the opposition by mistakingly detaining several passerbys in addition to dozens of pro-Ter-Petrossian activists and political figures. The Armenian Observer comments on the event and posts some videos.

The “political walks” taking place in Yerevan’s Northern Avenue are followed by arrests every day. Today more then a dozen citizens were arrested.

The video [below] shows a woman crying and telling the police, that she had come there with her husband with no “political” intent - just to walk, to which police respond, that there is probably a mistake and they’ll release her husband soon.

[…]

[…] The police are not giving any reasons for this pointless measures they are undertaking, which are only designed to completely scare people, but are apparently only serving to make people hate the authorities and police even more (if that is only possible at this point). This is not just appalling, this is plain stupid!

Meanwhile, as of yesterday, the authorities have started to try to disrupt attempts at civil disobedience in other ways. Unzipped posts a photograph and reports that the General Prosecutor has now started to walk on Northern Avenue in what can only be considered an attempt to play the opposition at their own game.

“I born in 1953, and, believe me, I walked in this city more than you,” – justified his presence in the Northern Avenue Aghvan Hovsepyan, A1+ reports. “Why, is walking prohibited? I am going home from work. Don’t I have a right to walk?”

Ironically, that’s exactly the type of questions that hundreds of people, including dozens detained during the “walks” (all later released), ask too.

Yet, regardless of the politics behind the actions and the risk of confrontation still hanging in the air as well as the partisan propaganda disseminated by both sides, Marilisa Lorusso's Blog says that the demonstrators are ultimately peaceful.

[…] Levon Ter-Petrosyan is losing the battle to keep all opposition’s info media compactly on his side, with some reminding that if you push towards a full frontal confrontation, you cannot complain afterwards for harsh outcomes. And the responsibility for the tremendous suffers of the victims, arrested, shocked persons, of the further loss of credibility of Armenian political system, falls on whoever is acting moved by personal ambition and selfishness. Inside or outside the government.

It all draws quite a mean picture, that doesn’t give justice to the peaceful behavior of that part of the civil society protesting in clever and original ways in Northern Avenue, against the new law on restriction of freedom of assembly.

But with an opposition divided and under detention or on the run, the same blog says that such moves are not effectively threatening a government that appears to be more confident now that the momentum behind large-scale post-election protests has dissipated.

The oppositions gathered together the last days before the 1st of March is annihilated by arrests, with some exceptions, like Ter-Petrosyan, kept in his isolation, still focusing on election results, and the Heritage party, trying to voice against the new law on freedom of assembly and holding peaceful meetings. Such a fragmentation is not providing the chance to draw a united opposition program, to carry on a confrontation with a government that, clearly, is decided to move steadily on.

With the inauguration of president-elect Serge Sargsyan just over a week away, time will tell soon enough.

Police

Riot Police

9 comments · »»

Brazil: Blogs banned from the 2008 elections

Paula Góes · 14:41

lingua → pt · es

Brazil is warming up for local elections later this year, in October, when voters will go to the polls to choose their local government representatives. The Supreme Electoral Court [the TSE, the Portuguese acronym for Tribunal Superior Eleitoral] has just passed the regulations for voting, and again, the opportunity to better discuss electronic political propaganda through the Internet was missed. Tools like Twitter, Orkut, Facebook, You Tube, electronic newsletters, text messages, blogs and other 'social web' facilities - technologies which nowadays are essential for voters to inform and empower themselves - were not subject to a more comprehensive legislation and, as a result, these are again left in limbo.

Two of the regulation's articles have especially raised blogger's eye-brows, starting with the very first article:

“The electoral campaign for the 2008 regional elections, even if through the Internet or other electronic devices, will be subject to the terms of this resolution”

And second the 18th article, which states:

“The electoral campaign on the Internet will only be allowed on candidates' purpose-built web pages intended exclusively for the campaign”

Add to these lines the decision that any campaign for the 2008 local elections will only be allowed from July 6, even on the Internet (in fact it has already started on social networking websites and blogs), and stir up this mix of misinformation. Will netizens be silenced?

Idelber Avelar [pt] was probably the first blogger to raise the issue by analysing the above mentioned articles and concluding that netizens' voices have indeed been banned from the elections:

Em outras palavras? Ou eu já não entendo a língua portuguesa ou o Tribunal Superior Eleitoral acaba de proibir a campanha política na Internet, com a exceção de uma página para cada candidato. Está proibida, nos blogs, no orkut, no facebook, qualquer manifestação de preferência eleitoral que possa ser entendida como campanha.

In other words? Either I no longer understand the Portuguese language or the Supreme Electoral Court has just prohibited political campaigning on the Internet with the exception of a page for each candidate. Any expression of electoral preference that could be construed as a campaign is forbidden on blogs, orkut, Facebook.

Gica Trierweiler [pt] makes it clear that solely she decides what to write about on her own blog:

Pára tudo e pára agora. Desde quando o TSE pode mandar no conteúdo do meu blog? Se eu quiser falar sobre meus segredos de infância, eu vou falar sobre os meus segredos de infância. Se eu quiser falar sobre cachorros albinos, eu vou falar sobre cachorros albinos. Se eu quiser falar de política, eu vou falar de política. Vou recomendar candidato, vou discutir propostas, vou denunciar injustiças, vou cumprir meu papel de cidadã, independente de expor minhas opiniões no boteco ou em blogs.

TSE, não tente ferrar com o pingo de democracia deste país. Blogueiros, uni-vos.

Stop the press now. Since when can the TSE fix my blog's content? If I want to talk about my childhood secrets, I will talk about my childhood secrets. If I want to talk about albino dogs, I will talk about albino dogs. If I want to talk about politics, I will talk about politics. I'll recommend candidates, I'll discuss proposals, I'll denounce injustices, I'll fulfill my role as a citizen, regardless of wether I expose my views in a bar or in blogs. TSE, do not try to fuck the tiny democracy in this country up. Bloggers, let's get together.

Sérgio Amadeu [pt] demands clear information on what is allowed and what is not, and points out that the Internet can make the difference in engaging voters:

Será que o TSE poderia esclarecer melhor as proibições que pretende impor à campanha na Internet? Um último comentário: Barack Obama, dificilmente chegaria onde chegou se tivesse que seguir uma resolução semelhante a brasileira. Sua campanha foi quase que totalmente feita a partir do Facebook.

I wonder if the TSE could clarify the prohibitions that it seeks to impose on campaigning on the Internet? A final comment: Barack Obama probably wouldn't have got where he got if he had to follow a similar resolution to the Brazilian one. His campaign was almost entirely done on Facebook.

Perrusi [pt] also raises the point that blogging is ‘the' tool to engage especially younger voters and that the TSE decision may have a negative impact on the democratic process:

E logo agora que a internet, mais especificamente a blogosfera, possui um peso eleitoral considerável, a começar entre os jovens. Como o TSE é uma gerontocracia, levanto a hipótese prosaica de que os ministros desconhecem a diferença entre um spam e um orkut ou um blog. Cometeram um erro imbecil que acarretará consequências antidemocráticas. Impedem assim a livre associação e organização política no mundo virtual visando as eleições. Outra hipótese é que são mesmo autoritários, independentemente da faixa etária.

Just now that the Internet, more specifically the blogosphere, has considerable weight in the election process, starting with young people. Considering that the TSE is a gerontocracy, I raise the prosaic hypothesis that ministers do not know the difference between spam and orkut or blogs. They have made a ludicrous mistake that will have anti-democratic consequences. They have prevented, thus, free association and political organization in the virtual world aimed at the elections. Another hypothesis is that they are really authoritarian, regardless of their age.

Following a similar school of thought, Pedro Dória [pt] says that “it's like banning people from wearing their candidate's t-shirt or pinning a button on their lapel”, but the blogger believes that this decision might have been more ill-conceived than made in bad faith by less than technological savvy legislators:

O pior, certamente, é que não houve má fé. Houve incompreensão. Aos 63 anos, é bem possível que o ministro relator Ari Pargendler não saiba distinguir um YouTube dum Yahoo!; um Orkut dum BitTorrent. Sua boa intenção é evidente: quis proibir o spam.Mas, ao tentar impedir o abuso, inviabilizou qualquer campanha eleitoral que sirva para agregar a população em seu direito pleno de se informar, se relacionar, se organizar politicamente, trocar idéias para então escolher. Ao confundir um perfil no Orkut ou um canal no Twitter com um galhardete que suja a cidade ou mensagens mil que entopem a caixa de email, o ministro proibiu que os candidatos circulem nas ruas da Internet e se manifestem em busca de seus eleitores da mesma forma que fazem nas ruas das cidades, pessoalmente.

The worst thing, of course, is that there was no bad faith. There was a misunderstanding. Being 63 years old, it is quite possible that the commentator minister Ari Pargendler doesn't know how to tell a YouTube apart from a Yahoo!, an Orkut from a BitTorrent. His good intention is clear: he wanted to ban spam. However, when trying to prevent abuse, he made it impossible for any political campaign to gather people entitled to obtain information, have a relationship, organize themselves politically, exchange ideas and then make up their minds. When mistaking an Orkut profile or a Twitter channel for city-littering or for a thousand messages filling up in-boxes, the minister forbade candidates from circulating on the virtual streets of the Internet and expressing themselves, looking for their constituents in the same way they do on city streets, face to face.

Alex Luna [pt] agrees that the problem is a lack of knowledge about new technologies:

Eu, cidadão, posso expressar o meu voto? Em público? Na internet? Segundo a lei, não. (…) Senhores, a ignorância de alguns dos nossos legisladores, governantes e juízes sobre a internet, as conexões e possibilidades do mundo atual é bastante mais grave.

Can I, a citizen, express my vote? In public? On the internet? According to the law, no. (…) Ladies and gentleman, some of our legislators, governors and judges' ignorance about the Internet, connections and opportunities in today's world is far more serious.

Mauro Almeida [pt] who is a lawyer specialized in electoral law, shares the same point of view that the TSE's vision is retrograde:

A internet não coube na resolução do TSE sobre propaganda. Ela ainda não cabe no Direito de um modo geral, mas no campo eleitoral não poderia ter sido ignorada mais uma vez. A resolução repete outras anteriores que só mencionam os sites oficiais, permitidos a partir de 6 de julho, com o domínio próprio http://www.fulano.cand.br/. Mas não é disso que se trata, né. A internet já passou da fase dos sites faz tempo. Os Ministros do TSE ainda não conhecem, ao que parece, a internet interativa, a dos comentários que fazem a notícia ou a campanha, se for o caso. Como impedí-los, os internautas, de fazerem a campanha que quiserem, manifestando livre e gratuitamente sua opinião? A Constituição autoriza, poderia a Lei ou Resolução do TSE proibir?

The Internet did not fit in the TSE resolution about propaganda. It still does not fit in the Law in general, but it should not have been ignored one more time in the election period. The resolution repeats previous ones that only mention official sites, allowed only from July 6, with their own domains like http://www.so-and-so.cand.br/. But this is not what it is about, is it? The Internet has gone far beyond the website phase. The TSE Ministers haven't yet come across, it seems, the interactive Internet, the Internet of comments that make the news or campaigns, if that is the case. How will they stop them, the netizens, campaigning the way they want, free and freely expressing their opinion? The Constitution gives them permission to, can the law or a TSE resolution ban them?

The answer is ‘no', according to Labor Judge Jorge Alberto Araujo [pt], who believes that some bloggers' interpretation of the Law, as if the Internet has been completely banned from the elections, is apocalyptic, considering that the law deals with electoral propaganda which, per se, is much different from public expression on the Internet:

Outra coisa completamente distinta seria a manifestação autêntica de autores de blogs e outras páginas da Rede Mundial de Computadores de externar publicamente a sua preferência por determinado candidato e partido, no que se estaria exercendo o direito de expressão e a liberdade de pensamento que, por serem direitos fundamentais, consagrados constitucionalmente, não podem ser afastados através de uma mera Resolução de uma corte judicial.

Another completely different thing would be bloggers' and other Internet page authors' genuine expression of public support for a given candidate and Party, in that they would be exercising their right to freedom of speech and freedom of thought which, for they are basic rights enshrined in the constitution, can not be withdrawn by a simple resolution of a judicial court.

The full set of resolutions and instructions for the 2008 Elections is available on the TSE website [pt].

15 comments · »»

Korea: Roh Moo Hyun Syndrome

Hyejin Kim · 04:27

The popularity of the previous President, Roh Moo Hyun, in Korea seems to become a hotter issue on the Internet. A new terminology, Roh-Ganji (Roh, his family name + Ganji, a slang that teenagers and netizens like to use and its meaning is ‘cool’) is born. His hometown is full of visitors. Blogs talks about his daily life. His life as an ordinary citizen, such as biking, buying goods in a small grocery store, and helping small activities in his hometown, seems to give people fresh surprises compared to previous presidents’ lives. While his popularity goes up through netizens, others claim that the exposure of his popularity is aimed at the coming general election. While blogs are busy showing his ordinary life and talking about what he did during his term, the media regards it as a temporary tendency. At any rate, Roh-Ganji fills the Internet in Korea at present.

The new Roh Moo Hyun syndrome makes netizens ask why he has become popular again.

[…] 사실 노무현 신드롬은 이번이 처음이 아니다. 지난 2002년 대선때, 언론은 이미 노무현 돌풍을 노무현 신드롬으로 명명한 적이 있다. 여하튼 지금 세상이 궁금해하는 것은 노무현 신드롬이 불게 된 원인이다. 퇴임 후 역사의 뒤안길로 사라질줄 알았던 노무현 대통령이 세간의 예상을 뛰어넘어, 노무현 신드롬이라는 열풍으로 온, 오프라인을 강타하고 있기 때문이다.[…] 퇴임한 대통령에 대한 이러한 폭발적 관심은 우리 사회가 처음으로 겪는 전혀 예기치 않은 신드롬 현싱이다. 그러나 이런 열풍을 조중동문 등 보수언론은 퇴임한 대통령에 대한 국민의 일시적 호기심 정도로 애써 평가절하하고 있다. 비록, 노 대통령의 고향인 봉하마을을 방문하는 사람들이 노사모와 일부 호기심 차원에서 찾은 국민이라고 해도, 지금 온오프라인에서 일어나고 있는 국민적 관심과 계속되는 열풍을 조중동문은 어떻게 설명할 것인지 의문이 아닐 수 없다.

[…] Actually, the Roh Moo Hyun syndrome this time is not the first time. In the 2002 Presidential Election, the media named the popularity of Roh Moo Hyun in the internet as the Roh Moo Hyun syndrome. What the world is curious about is why the Roh Moo Hyun syndrome came back again. After his retirement, everyone thought that he could disappear behind history. But against the odds, the Roh Moo Hyun syndrome came back online and offline.[…] These explosive interests in the retired president is a new symptom that hasn’t been seen in our society. But conservative media, such as Chosun, Joongang, Dong-a, and Moonhwa newspapers, try to judge this as a temporary curiosity that citizens have. Even though people who visit his hometown, Bongha Village, are from Nosamo or have temporary curiosity, I wonder how those conservative media will explain continual interest in him on- and off-line at present.

It seems that battles between Roh Moo Hyun and new President Lee Myung Bak have not completed yet.

이명박vs노무현

노무현대통령은 권언유착을 끊었다. (이건 권력이 마약을 끊은 것과 같다) 개(신문지)한테 뼈다구 던져주고 국민들한테 구라를 피는짓을 하지 않았다. (개만 잘 길들여도 반은 먹고 들어간다) (개가 짖는 힘으로만 버티는 정치인도 있다) (이 개는 주인을 자기가 고르기도 한다) (가끔…주인이 개한테 고개를 숙이는 장면을 보기도 한다) 어려우면 어렵다고 안되면 안된다고 말했다. (그의 국정철학은 싱겁게도 ‘상식'이었다) 그래서 욕도 많이 먹었다. 때문에 신문지들은 화가 났었다. 뼈다구를 주지 않아서 화가 많이 났었다. 그래서 5년내내 노무현 다리를 물어뜯었다.[…]

이명박대통령은 권언유착을 부활시켰다. (인천 연수구 황모의원은 기자들한테 ‘함께 뒹굴러 보자'고 했단다) (동아일보는 여기자 가슴까지 내주며 한나라당 간부들과 노래방에 가셨다) 개(신문지)한테 뼈다구를 던져줬는지는 모르지만 아무튼…개들은 알아서 국민들을 향해 잘 짖어주고 있다. (CDMA대통령. 밥퍼드시는 대통령. 아침형대통령. 힘을실어주자…) 어려운데도 어렵지 않다고 하고 안된는 일도 된다고 한다. […]
노무현대통령은 국민의 미래를 생각했다. 국민들은 당장 죽겠다고 약을 달라고 했지만 노무현은 약을 주지 않았다. 더 아플 수 있기 때문에…그래서 후유증이 없었다. 단기부양…그거 불 한 번 지르면 지지도 확 올라간다. 근데도…노무현은 욕먹으면서 안 했다…

이명박대통령은 국민들의 현재를 생각했다. (미래는? 그건 각자 몫이다) 유류세를 내리고 통화료를 내리고 세금을 내려준다고 했다. 밥도 혼자 퍼 드셨다. 그런데 기름값은 더 올랐고 통화료 인하로 지지부진하다가 묻혀버렸다. 세금은 1억 조금 넘는 싸구려 골프회원권을 보유한 부자들부터 깍아줬다. 뒤돌아서면 잊어 버리는 국민을 위해 깍아준다는 말로 국민의 귀를 즐겁게 해주었다. 그리고는 땅투기, 표절, 이중국적, 군면제, 탈세를 업삼아 30만원짜리 비누곽을 쓰시는 이 나라 충신들과 함께 황송하게도 국민들 라면값 100원을 고민해 주셨다. 그분에게는 지금과 현재가 항상 중요하다. 내일? 다음?, 미래?…그런거 모른다.

국민들이 이상해졌다. 노무현을 그리워하는 이상한 증상이 시작된 것이다. 바보 노무현 욕먹는 노무현
빨래가 툭 떨어져도 노무현 탓이었는데 그런 바보 노무현을 왜 사람들은 자꾸 뒤돌아 볼까…

국민들이 성장통을 겪고 있는걸까…그런거라고 믿고 싶다…

Lee Myung Bak vs Roh Moo Hyun

Roh Moo Hyun blocked close relationships between the authority and press (This is like the authority stopped drugs). He didn’t give bones to dogs (newspapers) and didn’t lie to people (If you tame dogs well, your life would be comfortable. There are politicians who can stand with the support of these dogs. These dogs sometimes pick the owners up by themselves. Sometimes, the owners bow to dogs). If it is difficult, he said it is difficult. If it is no, he said no. (His philosophy for governing the country was simply ‘common sense.’ Therefore, he was criticized a lot. Newspapers were mad, because he didn’t give any bones to them. So, they bit his legs for all five years.[…]

Lee Myung Bak resurrected close relations between the authority and press (national assembly man, Hwang, in Incheon told reporters, ‘let’s work together. Dong-a Newspaper gave up a female reporter’s right (who sued a national assemblyman for grabbing her breast) and reporters got together with the Grand National Party men at Karaoke. I don’t know whether they got bones already, but they work well. They call Lee Myung Bak, CDMA president, president who give rice to us, successful president, and encourage people to support him. Even though it is difficult, he says it’s not difficult. Even though it is no, he says yes.[…]

Roh Moo Hyun thought about our future. Even though we asked him to give medicine, he didn’t give. Because it could cause more pain…. Therefore there was no aftermath either. Helping in the short term… If he did, his popularity could go up at once. But Roh Moo Hyun didn’t do that no matter how much he was blamed.

Lee Myung Bak thinks about our present. (future? That’s depending on individuals) He promised to decrease oil price, telecommunication fee, and tax. But the oil price went up. He didn’t do anything for telecommunications fees. Tax decrease was for the wealthy who have ‘gold membership’ of 100 million won [US$100,000]. The land on spec, plagiarism, dual citizenship, military exemption, tax evasion… with his loyal servants who use 300,000 won soap box, he discussed 100 won increase of Ramen. To him, the present is important. Tomorrow? Next? Future?… he doesn’t care.

We citizens got strange. We have a strange symptom to miss Roh Moo Hyun. Stupid Roo Moo Hyun, blamed Roo Moo Hyun… even though cleaned clothes were dropped in dust, it was regarded as due to Roh Moo Hyun. But why do people look back at such a stupid Roh Moo Hyun?

Do we citizens go through the pain to grow up… I want to believe that way.

While he was criticized a lot during his government, now many netizens would like to talk about what he did for the citizens again.

오늘날 가장 큰 문제인 경제문제의 원인을 보자. 미국 경제 위기의 핵심인 서프프라임 사태를 보면서 한마디 하고 싶다. 미국 사태는 결국 부동산 정책의 실패가 금융위기로 발전된 것이다. 노무현 재직시 한국의 부동산 관련 정책을 다시 이 시점에서 생각해보자. 그중 가장 언론과 서민들에게 욕을 들었던 아파트 값 폭동에 대해서 짚어보자.

노무현 재직시 아파트는 수도권만 올랐다 (역대 정부에 비하면 그나마 소폭 수준이다). 지방은 스테이상태이거나 오히려 내렸다. 수도권만 오른 이유는 서울시의 주택정책이 근본원인이다. 이명박 재직시 시행한 뉴타운 건설등에서 고가분양가 승인, 허가를 해준뒤부터 아파트 가격이 급상승한것이다. 노무현은 초지일관 부동산 억제정책을 쓴 사람이다. 임기 내내 부동산 잡으려고 기를 쓰던 노무현은 언론들에게 비상식적인 갈굼을 당했다.[…] 난 미국의 서브 프라임 사태를 보면서 다시 노무현을 생각한다. 노무현이 잘 한점은 특히 작년초부터 강력한 부동산 금융 억제 정책을 강하게 추진했다. 미국의 경제 동향을 살피며 미리 미리 정책으로 대응하며 강하게 대책을 세운 것이다. 그때 대출제한 정책을 강하게 적용하며 현재 미국의 서브프라임 같은 현상이 국내에 없는 것이다… 한국은 미국 소득과 비교시 부동산 버블은 무려 4배에 육박하는데도 노무현이 임기말까지 이 문제로 고심하며 잘 유지한 것이다. 정말 노무현은 이 것 하나만으로도 국민들에게 칭찬받아야 한다.

Let’s check the economic problem, the biggest problem at present. Looking at the sub-prime crisis, the economic crisis of the U.S., I would like to comment. The US crisis has been developed from the failure of property policies to financial crisis. Let’s see property policies when Roh Moo Hyun was under the position. Of them, let’s look into sudden rise of apartment prices that media and citizens blamed the most.

When he was the president, the increase on housing price was limited in the Metropolitan area (comparing to other governments, it is the narrow range). The price was to stay or to decrease in countryside. The reason why the metropolitan area increased was due to fundamental problem of housing policies of Seoul. When Lee Myung Bak was the Seoul Mayor, he implemented construction of new towns and approved high price apartment building. After that, the housing price rapidly went up. Roh Moo Hyun was the one who held course and tried to control property policy. But media condemned him.[…] I think about Roh Moo Hyun while I am watching the subprime crisis in the U.S.A. What he did well was to suppress realty policies from the early last year. Checking economic trend of the U.S.A., he propelled strong measures. At that time, he limited the loan capacity and could prevent a sub prime crisis. Even though real estate in Korea has bubbled to four times more than America when we compare profits, Roh Moo Hyun did a good job to the end of his governance. With this one thing, he is worth to get praise from us citizens.

Some netizens criticize early criticism against the new government.

아직 제대로 시작도 하기 전에 새로운 정부를 평가한다는 것은 있을 수 없다고 본다 .물론 도덕적으로 문제가 있는 각료가 있는 것은 사실이지만 능력이 우선이기 때문에 일단 추진력에 힘을 실어줘야 한다 .전 정권에 대해서는 미안해 할 이유가 없다 .서민을 고통스럽게 만든 장본인이기 때문이다.

It’s impossible to already judge the new government even before they started yet. As a matter of fact, that’s true that they have several moral problems, but the capability is the first priority and we should support their propulsive force. We don’t have to feel sorry for the previous government. They’re the one who made the citizens suffer.

Through this syndrome and evidence of more powerful blog news compared to media, netizens seem to be influenced by blog news. With this syndrome, a netizen puts a post with a title, “In the period of the Internet, the job that gets the most blame is reporters?”

온라인 시장이 대중화되면서 방송과 신문으로 접할 수있던 기자들의 각종 기사들이 인터넷에서도 쉽게 접하게 되면서… 기자들에 대한 네티즌들의 비평 수위는 날로 높아지고 있는 듯합니다… 실제 특정 기사 특히 네이버 등 포털에 걸린 대표적인 기사를 보게되면 아래 수많은 댓글 중..기자에 대한 비난의 글이 쉽게 보입니다. 그들 중에는 심도 있는 비판도 있긴 하지만.. 대부분은 욕과 상대방을 무시한 발언 들이 더욱 많더군요. 사실 기자들의 글 중 어떤 부분은 비판을 받아 마땅한 글이 있긴 합니다. 얼마전 모 중앙 일간지에서 장관의 자진 사퇴에 대해 옹호하는 글도 그 대표적인 것이고.. 또 현 정권에 대해 눈에 보이듯 옹호하는 글을 보면 저도.. 이건 너무 심하다는 생각이 듭니다. 이는 어쩌면 노출 빈도가 많아서도 그렇지만 네티즌들의 정보력도 기자들 못지 않기 때문에 그럴 수 있다고 생각됩니다. 특히 정치적 성향 같은 문제에서는 더욱 그런 듯 합니다.아마도 노무현 정권 시절.. 노무현 대통령을 비방하는 글이 올라왔을 때 네티즌의 반응은 굉장했던 것 같습니다. 제가 가장 기억에 남는 것은 노무현 대통령이 아프리카 순방길에 올라서 국민연금 몇천명이 못냈다던가 하는 기사일 것입니다. 노무현 대통령이 아프리카에 놀러간 것도 아닌데.. 이것은 말도 안되는 생트집이라는 것이죠. 그런데 과연 해당 기자들은 이같은 네티즌들의 반응을 알고 있을지..그리고.. 만일 안다면 과연 어떻게 반응할지..궁금하더군요.

[…]온라인 미디어를 비롯해 과거에 비해 기자들이 많아진 것은 사실이고 그렇기 때문에 대우 역시 과거에 비해 현저히 안좋아졌습니다. 그러다 보니 매체 환경에 따라 다양한 기사들이 나오는 것 같습니다. 비판을 할때는 뼈있게…그리고 기자 입장에서는 경청을 하는 것이[…]

Since the online market became popular, and news that we could obtain through broadcast and newspapers are easy to get from the Internet, the extent of netizens’ criticism of reporters is getting bigger. As a matter of fact, looking at major news on portal sites, such as Naver, I can see a lot of opinions that criticize reporters. Some of them contain constructive criticism, but most of them are speaking ill of reporters. Of course, some of news from reporters should be criticized. News about supporting a minister’s voluntary resignation in a monthly magazine several days ago could be one of them… or some news aggressively supporting the current government are way too much. It is not only because there are many frequencies of exposure, but also because netizens also have information as much as reporters have. In particular, political issues are especially noticeable. In the period of Roh Moo Hyun government, when there was news criticizing Roh Moo Hyun, netizens’ reactions were amazing. What I remember the most is a report that, because of the previous president’s visit to Africa, some people couldn’t get the national pension. He didn’t go to Africa for fun… it was an absurd report. I wonder whether the reporters knew about netizens’ reactions about their writings. If they knew, I wonder how they would react.
[…]Through online media, there are more reporters than the past. Due to that, the treatment is much worse than before. There are diverse contents of news depending on media’s characteristics. When people would like to criticize, it should be more serious. Reporters should also listen to the opinions[…]

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Belarus: Freedom Day Protest

Veronica Khokhlova · 02:23

lingua → es

On Tuesday, March 25, police broke up an opposition rally in Minsk, the capital of Belarus, beating protesters with truncheons and detaining dozens of people. According to media reports, thousands of protesters showed up for the annual Freedom Day rally, banned by the government, and attempted to gather at one of Minsk's central squares, which had been blocked off by the police. On Wednesday, the detained protesters - as well as several journalists - were sentenced to jail terms ranging from three to 15 days.

LJ users dranik80, ialeks, coipish posted very vivid photo reports from the March 25 rally - here, here, and here.

LJ user mmpbel, 30, posted a lengthy and detailed account (RUS) of his experiences at the rally and, later, inside a police bus:

[…] When we approached Victory Square, I finally saw the people who, just like me, intended to mark [Freedom Day]. […] [They] stood on all sides of the intersection. Along the sidewalk, there were traffic cops. There were mainly young people there, 20-year-olds and younger. I saw several middle-aged people, and a few families. There were [white-red-white flags], and they were distributing white-red-white ribbons (I wasn't offered one). There were almost no flowers. I saw only one woman with a white-red-white bouquet. The mood was festive. I saw a small group of young people who walked out onto the road, one guy was waving a flag, encouraging people to follow him, but not many did and traffic cops managed to clear up the road very quickly. Soon, there was a solid cordon of traffic police along the road, and, a minute later, another one made up of riot cops. […]

People started moving towards Victory Square, the march began. Those in the front row of the formation were carrying a banner (but I didn't see what was written on it). I could hear the usual slogans. (Too bad we're not singing songs. I'm not the [slogan-chanting] type, but I would've joined in a song.) […]

Very close to the bridge, the formation halted. Must have been because of the police standing in their way. We stood for a few minutes. I saw [opposition leader Anatoly Lebedko] walk forward, to do something about it. After a while, those at the head of the formation began to turn around. At the same time or a bit earlier, a police bus drove towards the bridge. Then things began to move fast. I saw cops in helmets run. Young people with the banner began to reposition themselves quickly, in order to be at the head of the formation again. Someone was hurriedly hiding away a fishing rod with the flag. A guy who carried the banner turned around and called out a female name, but then someone screamed “Andrei!” and I saw a girl being grabbed and dragged to the bus. Quickly, people began to disperse. I've been in a stampede before, but it was the first time that cops were chasing me. Hesitantly, I also began to move faster, still not really believing this was actually happening. As I understood it, they were mainly seizing young people with flags. […]

[…] I felt it was all over and decided to try reaching the monument to [Belarusian poet Yanka Kupala monument, [to lay flowers]. […] I moved towards the bridge again. There was a police bus standing nearby, and from its window, a detained girl was making a Victory sign with her fingers. Young people stood next to the bus - possibly, friends of those who were detained.

[…] A few ordinary [not riot] cops stood at the park entrance. I asked one of them: “Is the park closed?” He said, “Yes.” […] As I walked down Yanka Kupala Street, I saw that the park's side entrance wasn't guarded by anyone and that the park itself was empty. A man and two women walked by: he was begging them to stop being scared and enter the park. […] I came to the monument and put the flowers down. My flowers were the only ones on the snow, but underneath the snow there were many more white-red-white flowers. An elderly man […] walked by. There was no one but us in the park. I stood a few seconds by the monument, trying to imagine “what He [Yanka Kupala] was thinking of the things that were taking place.”

I decided to leave the park through the exit guarded by the police. […] I had nothing on me that could make them suspicious. There was a bus I'd already seen there. […] A cop came up to me [and told me to get out.] […] Another cop came up to me and said: “What are you doing here?” I [exclaimed, in Belarusian]: “Why are you talking to me like that?” (normally, I speak Russian, alas). (I do look very young, but hate it when rude strangers address me [informally], especially the uniformed ones.) And here it began. The cop grabbed me by the jacket and dragged me to the bus, screaming something. […] The road was slippery, I almost bumped into the bus. […] They pushed me inside, hit me in the stomach, there were screams, and orders to show them what was inside my backpack. It was all being done just to scare me, without any system to it. The bus was small and narrow, there were about a dozen cops in it. Perhaps this explains why the blow to my stomach was weak. […] A cop called me to the back of the bus, searched me there, but didn't look into my backpack. Told me to sit at the back seat. Then they forgot about me.

The cops were constantly chatting, joking, and appeared bored. Talked on the phones with their wives, explained to them that they were at an “event.” […] They were cursing constantly. […] They were discussing the cars they'd bought.

After a while, there was some screaming, the door opened, and they pushed in a tall, skinny guy of about 30 years of age. There was intimidation again, [they ordered him to drop to the floor.] […] They took him to the back of the bus and searched him. Found an asthma inhaler […]. Ordered him to sit next to me. Two women were brought on the bus after him (it looked like they didn't push them in). One of them was the guy's mother, the other was her friend. They looked very refined […]. The mother asked to let her son go, spoke of his and her own poor health (she had heart problems), was asking who was in charge. No one listened to her, the one in charge didn't respond. Someone said that they'd violated the law on mass events, entered the park that was closed for repairs, had [anti-government] flags with them, were calling to the violent overthrow of the [regime]. The mother was begging the cops, tried to argue with them, was asking to be allowed to step out for some fresh air, to call the relatives. They refused to let her do any of it. […] We were ordered to switch off our phones.

[…]

Things were quieting down and the cops were getting bored.

A cop who looked like he was in charge came in and ordered the women and the guy to leave […]. […] They were not allowed to take their white-red-white umbrella with them.

I was left alone again. I felt like a Red Army soldier imprisoned by the fascists. Hatred and the feeling of complete helplessness. If they took me to the forest to shoot then, I wouldn't be very surprised. There was no sign of any legal rights whatsoever.

[…]

The bus began to move […]. [Then it stopped.] […] [I was told to get up and go.] I got up and went. […] The cop in charge, standing by the door, called to me […]. I came up to him. He hit me on the ear near he back of my head. I heard laughter coming from the bus. I turned away, the door closed, and the bus drove away. […] I switched on my phone and called my wife. It was around 8:30 PM by then.

It did occur to me to file a complaint with the prosecutor's office, but I didn't consider the idea for too long.

LJ user annie-minsk, 21, described (RUS) what it feels like to be at a rally in Belarus:

You do not feel fear when you find yourself in the midst of everything - the police, people, flags.

No, you harden even more. Tears, fear and shaking hands are long forgotten, replaced with […] a wicked smile and cold calmness of a convicted person. […] You're no longer shy and stop [using the polite form of address]. […] Your blood fills with adrenalin. Everyone is equal here, everyone [is your buddy] - welcome to hell!

When you look at the photos on the web the following morning, you feel it all again. As if you're back there. Back into this dirty, wet, nervous mess made up of people, cameras, fat riot cops with brass knuckles and unruffled traffic cops. And the groaning of the black-clad bastards [riot cops] - “Reh-eh, reh-eh” (this is how they scream when they are pushing people, in order to move in sync) - it doesn't horrify you anymore, not as much as it did then, the first time, in the cold March of 2006 [a GV translation from that time is here]. Then it seemed wild. Monstrous, inhuman. We hoped for the better, believed it was just a threat. They'd scare us and let go. And everyone would go home, and there'd be kitchen talk, and someone would write about it in LJ.

[…]

I've heard one and the same question so many times: “What are you trying to accomplish with your rallies?” My reply is, come, have a look, find it out. And don't bother me, because we won't understand each other anyway.

There are indeed quite a few observers out there who question the approach of the Belarusian opposition.

Mark Grigorian - LJ user markgrigorian, a London-based Armenian journalist and political analyst - wrote this (RUS) on his blog on March 26:

I've been following the events in Belarus for a long time.

And I see how year after year the same story gets repeated: the Belarusian opposition announces a march, demonstration or rally devoted to the date that's important for the country and for the Belarusian nation as a whole. The authorities order them to change the route or the date or the place of the event, moving it from the city's center to its outskirts.

The opposition disagrees, holds the march (rally, demonstration) where it wanted to hold it. Often, it ends in clashes with the police. […] There are dozens of detained as a result (including journalists), there are short-term arrests, the noise about human rights violations and sympathetic articles in the Western press.

I understand that I risk eliciting extremely negative reactions from my Belarusian [friends]. But I do have to mention that the stubbornness with which the opposition keeps holding events of the same type, which end with in a more or less predictable way, makes one think of the lack of imagination.

Also: I don't know what the response to these actions is inside Belarus. Outside - yes, it is effective. The press keeps writing about it, European and American politicians draw conclusions. But inside the country? What changes in Belarus? Are there more opposition supporters? Or, the opposite, are there fewer of them? […]

If there is a political component, one has to consider this: what are the political results inside the country? If they are negative, why hold the new [protest] actions?

[…]

And if dispersals, beatings and arrests are so easy to predict, then why push young guys and girls at the riot police cordons?

[…]

Here is one reader's comment on Grigorian's post:

pisalnik:

I think it's a mistake to think that it's the politicians who push the young people towards the riot police cordons. I wouldn't overestimate the impact that the adult politicians have on the mood in various oppositional youth groups. It's actually the young people who often criticize adult politicians for being too moderate and not radical enough. The theory of manageability of the unwise youth by adults (including those from abroad) offers, by the way, the most convenient explanation for such events, but this theory happens to be, more often than not, an unacceptable simplification and cannot serve as a basis for the conclusions that you've arrived at. Belarusian opposition is far from being monolithic, and that's why we shouldn't presume that it can coordinate its actions. That is - what we observe in Belarus isn't the issue of the lack of creativity and imagination, but the problem of discord within the opposition and the “fathers and sons” conflict.

As for the political consequences of such seemingly pointless actions, sometimes one has to wait for a very long time. But there'll be no results if resistance stops.

[…]

I find it hard to imagine how it is possible to diversify the situation, when the regime always has an obvious advantage in its confrontation with the protesters, mainly in the form of the disciplined and obedient repressive machine. […]

In the end, it's all about the impossibility to coordinate the activities of the conflicting […] opposition groups - and the regime makes use of it more or less successfully. Coordinated activities and readiness to express solidarity within the oppositional camp - that's the main problem. How to solve it? I don't know.

As for the impact of the opposition's protests within Belarus, some bloggers think there isn't too much of it.

LJ user lidial reposted an inquiry (RUS) from live_report, a joint project of LiveJournal and BBC Russian Service, to minsk_by LJ community:

BBC is asking:

What's going on in Minsk?

Below are some of the responses:

beatleofdoom:

Nothing - 80% of the residents would reply.

lidial:

86% )

aller:

83%

happybullshit:

Something like 93%

head_of_babulka:

No less than 96

cx_vutik:

102